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SUMMER/FALL/WINTER 2008 Volume 2008 • Number 2-4 • $10.00 




Women's Suffrage: Special Triple Issue 

Belva Lockwood for President • Silent Sentinels 
Hunger Strike Pins • Suffragist or Suffragette 
1916: A New Party and a New Plan 

We Reach Beyond the Average Political Collector for our Bidders! 

Rare Oregon Woman's 
Suffrage Uml)rella 
SOLD! $6,572 
Februar>' 2007 6 




Political Equality 
Association Mirror 
SOLD! $3,883 
February 2007 

VVPU Votes lor 
Women Pin 
SOLD! $2,629 
February 2007 



Bryan & Kern: One of 
a Kind 1 Vj" Jugate 
SOLD! $8,365 

November 2007 
HA. com/672-8041 

l-j. ^. - 


Susan B. Anthony ALS, 
Dated Jan. 27, 1873 
SOLD! $5,377 

October 2007 

Bolva Lockwood and Ben 
Butler Mechanical Card 
SOLD! $5,078 
Februar\' 2007 

McKinley & Roosevelt 
Hand-Painted Cloth 
Campaign Banners 
SOLD! $13,145 
November 2007 

Lincoln & Johnson: Superb 
Large 1864 Campaign Flag 
SOLD! $44,812 

August 2008 

William McKinley: Beaver Top 
Hat with Leather Traveling Case 
SOLD! $17,925 
December 2008 1 

To receive a complimentary copy of this catalog, or one 
from Heritage category register online at 

or call 866-835-3243 and mention reference KEY16494. 
The entire catalog will go online approximately March 27. 

Heritage boasts more than 
600,000 collectors on our 
mailing list with over 400,000 
registered bidder-members 

More exposure means that 
your item can realize its 
highest market value 

Competilive consignment 

Friendly service 

Security. We've been in 
business since 1976 

Experience. Heritage has sold 
more than $3 billion worth of 

Over $700 million in annual 
virtually all of our categories 

Harr\' S. Truman: 
"THE" Truman 
Picture Pin 
SOLD! $19,717 
August 2008 

To consign your 
ircasuics. please call 

Tom .Slalei. Director 
ext. 1441 or 


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Annual Sales Exceed $700 Million 
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The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


^Hw Mr 

WUIVIAN b bUrrKA(jb 

Dear fellow APIC members and honored guests: 



This issue of the APIC's Keynoter shows what dedicated volunteers can accomplish for our 
organization and our nation when they work as a team for a common objective. A small group of 
enthusiasts and institutions here and in England, under the guidance and leadership of Keynoter 

Illustrations Editor, Germaine Broussard, have worked for the last two years to assemble the illustra- 
tions, articles and other aspects of this journal. As a result of their enthusiasm and effort, we're presented with the finest assemblage of 
woman's suffrage material ever presented-anywhere-in full color While many books have obviously been authored on the subject, 
there has never been such a compendium of suffrage materials prepared and offered to either our membership or the general public. 

Equally important is the fact that this issue is dedicated to a politically and socially significant cause in the chronicles of American 
history that is often overlooked by present generations— the woman's suffrage movement. Labeling this aspect of our nation's history 
"dramatic" would be misguided and an understatement; it's a story filled with intrigue, dedication, frustration, commitment and failure, 
culminating in a hard-won victory. In the House of Representatives, suffrage passed the first time by exactly the number of votes need- 
ed, with one supporter being carried in from the hospital and another leaving his wife's deathbed to be there to cast their votes. In the 
Senate, suffrage passed with just two votes to spare. When the Nineteenth Amendment was sent to the states for ratification, 
Tennessee, the last state needed, passed it by a single vote, at the very last minute, during a recount. 

Throughout our nation's history, ordinary citizens have risked their lives and property to advocate their beliefs and advance public 

The woman's suffrage movement is no different. It is a classic example of how a powerless class of Americans was forced to fight 
for their own rights against tremendous odds and social inequities, winning concessions and guarantees from those in power without 
the use of violence. When our nation was founded, the right to vote was firmly established as the cornerstone of its democratic values. 
However, for almost 1 50 years of our national existence, the Constitution was interpreted to deny voting privileges to women, who 
comprised more than half of the population. Using nonviolence and peaceful demonstration, the suffragists' goal was not victory over 
men, but, simply, equality with them. I believe an argument can be made that the extreme opposition to woman's suffrage identifies its 
significance; certainly, if the issue of the women's vote were not of such national importance, it would not have been so bitterly resisted 
at both the federal and state levels. 

Indeed, the suffrage movement provides us with wonderful historical examples of political leadership, organizers, activists and lob- 

The movement involved the first women lawyers, doaors and ministers, the first women political candidates and the first office- 
holders. Their history is an exciting story of ingenious strategies and outrageous tactics used to outwit opponents and make the most 
of limited resources. 

The suffrage movement included many American women whose talents and abilities would have made them prime candidates for 
national office had their opportunities been equal. Women like Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Frances Willard, 
Jane Addams, Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Carrie Chapman Catt, Mary Church Terrell, Alice Paul and others proved themselves to be politi- 
cally important, enormously competent, highly influential and widely respected leaders with few equals among their male contempo- 

Enjoy this issue of the Keynoter, and reflea upon the history it presents for your study and review. APIC, once again, stands at the 
forefront as a conservator of America's political past by providing this milestone accomplishment. 

Yours in progress. 

Brian E. Krapf 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


I know that I am in love. In love with a collection and a hobby that for me began thirty 
years ago. In love with items that range in size from very small to the size of a mural on a 
wall. A collection that began when I learned of a world that I had never known existed; a 
world of history, first hand historic memorabilia, camaraderie, education and organizational 
commitment. A collection today that has grown to thousands of items. 

Several months ago, I visited the Schlesinger Library in Boston, which houses a magnifi- 
cent collection of women's memorabilia. I was mesmerized for hours by the beauty and the rarity of their items. I cannot 
tell you how exciting it is for me to see material that I had never seen before. It reminds me again how privileged I feel to 
be part of the process of preserving and researching its history. 

I was 23 years old when I bought my first item at an antique store in Pennsylvania. I knew it the moment I saw it! The 
gold cloth-covered button, attached to a ribbon that read "Under the 19th Amendment I Cast My First Vote Nov 2, 1920; 
Harding Coolidge, The Straight Republican Ticket Lancaster, Pa." I found it the perfect collectible... with every attribute 
anyone could ask for: It shows well as a feminine item; cloth covered button-akin to a piece of jewelry...! could sense how 
it was worn proudly on a woman's lapel... .She had just voted for the first time, and the item tells us so much information: 

What date, What city. Who she voted for, etc. Indeed, I thought, the perfect collectible. 

When I met Bob Fratkin, then President of APIC, he introduced me to the organized 
hobby— people with boundless energies and enthusiasm for political ephemera of all kinds ! I 
became truly enchanted with the material. I had no idea that I would become this proud, this 
privileged, and so honored to be the temporary keeper of such important historic memorabilia. 

Over the years, I became involved with APIC, worked on the Keynoter and several committees, helped found the 
WSAPIC Chapter and became its President and worked with Chris Hearn to put out the Clarion. In the last four years, with 
support from Chris and me, Germaine Broussard has turned the Clarion into a more professional publication. 

My collection grew one item at a time, one tray led to two, and two led to three. Joe Levine helped me forge my beau- 
tiful collection of ribbons; Rex Stark, Bob Coup, David Frent, Tom French, Chick and Ceil Harris, and the countless dealers 
and APIC-ers who were patient with me when I was on such a learning curve collectively taught me how to look beyond 
the surface of each item and delve into its past. 

The more I learn about the historical backgrounds, the more personally involved with each item I become, the more I 
appreciate and yes, love each item... almost as though they were my children! I won't forget a Sunday afternoon when my 
folks joined me for the Maryland Fairgrounds Antique Show. To my delight, I found the colorful, metal Massachusetts win- 
dow-sign bird. I paid $150.00 for this treasure, and my Dad thought I was nuts... How I love that sign and display it proudly. 
It is amongst my favorite items. 

I am often asked what item is my favorite. How do I explain that a common button that reads "59 cents" is as impor- 
tant to my collection as a most treasured suffrage artifact? They are all important. These items represent the true history, 
the feelings, the sentiments and proof of how women have fought the battle for equality. 

Ronnie Lapinsky-Sax 

Woman Suffrage APIC Chapter 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


It seemed simple when the idea was first proposed: "Let's do a suffrage issue." How difficult 
could that be? We figured several hundred items, a few articles, and its done. Now, two years 
later, with nearly 1000 items pictured, we had to set a cut-off date for new material or we 
would never get this out. We know there is more material out there, but we think this is the 
vast majority of non-paper items available. Our pleasure has come from having several very 
experienced collectors express amazement at some of the material we have unearthed. We 
know there are estimated to be over 4500 postcards. We have shown some examples, but 
postcard collectors will have to wait for another publisher. We will be posting additional materi- 
als and corrections on v\ in the future, and we hope to achieve as near complete a 
listing of non-paper items as possible. 

We have not tried to separate British and American suffrage items for two reasons. First, there was a feeling of solidarity 
between the groups on both sides, and suffrage figures from each visited the other. Alice Paul, for instance, spent time with the 
Pankhursts in London, and adopted some of their tactics on returning to America. Second, some of the items were used by 
both groups, and cross-importation of items was not uncommon. 

There are probably a few color or size errors in our depictions. We have tried, in the case of buttons and other small items, 
to get the sizes right (or very close to it). If you have a particular item and the size is appreciably different, wrongly described or 
if you do not see your item at all, please let us know. 

Ribbons are a different story. We have not been as careful with ribbon sizes for space considerations, knowing that, if you 
see a pictured ribbon but the size is different, it almost certainly is the same ribbon, while there may be several different sizes 
for a button. Ceramics, paper items, games, and miscellaneous items are probably not the correct sizes, but easily recognizable. 

We thank the WSAPIC Clarion, Ronnie Lapinsky-Sax, Chris Hearn, 
Ken Florey, Chase Livingston, Julie Powell and other collectors. The 
National Women's Museum at London Metropolitian University, The 
Library of Congress and other museums and libraries that provided our 
images, as well as those captured from eBay and other sources over 
the years by our Illustrations Editor, Germaine Broussard. Germaine, at 
great sacrifice of her own time and other activities, took on the respon- 
sibility for all aspects of this issue— except running the printing presses. 
More than anything, this issue is a tribute to her hard work and perse- 

Robert Fratkin 
Executive Editor 
The Keynoter 



DEMOCRACY—a government for 
all the people by all the people 

The Keynoter • Summer/FdII/Winter 2008 


Whew! This massive triple issue was almost a year in the making and missed several 
deadlines but I hope you find this issue to have been worth the wait. I can only echo Bob 
Fratkin's praise for Germaine Broussard, whose passionate dedication to the production of 
this issue went so far above and beyond the call of duty as to amaze. This issue was a labor 
of love for all concerned but Germaine's labor dwarfed us all. 

Of course, those readers not interested in cause items or women's suffrage, preferring 
items from straight electoral politics, may need some patience but there are even a few arti- 
cles there for them about candidates from Ma Ferguson to Margaret Chase Smith. Even 
those not normally into cause items can't help but be intrigued by the wealth of material and the range of items. 

Historians will note one underlying factor: the battle for women's suffrage took place during an era when the 
Republican Party was the more progressive party and the Democrats the more reactionary. Democrats, then based mainly 
in the South and rural areas, were more virulently opposed to concepts like equality while the Republicans, based mainly in 
New England and the Upper Midwest, tended to be more receptive to new ideas. Those general views may still be found 
in those geographic areas but our two major parties have gone through one of their periodic changes of positions in the 

I hope that the brief articles and diverse illustrations in this magazine will stimulate you to do some reading on the sub- 
ject. The drama and dangers, tragedies and triumphs, of this battle is filled with fascinating stories and individuals. Political 
history demonstrates over and over again how the radical upheaval of one era becomes the cliche of the next. But that 
does not diminish the courage of individuals who were willing to place their reputations at risk and their bodies in physical 
danger to achieve their goals. It should also give us a bit more patience and respect for our contemporary radicals. Odds 
are that many of the causes that today seem extreme will one day be mainstream and even conservative. After all, it isn't 
hard to be an Abolitionist in 2009 but it was somewhat more difficult in 1844. 

I owe special thanks to Larry Norris and Norman Loewenstern for the illustrations in the last issue (about Texas poli- 
tics). Larry and Norm helped with gathering some key illustrations for that issue but were left out of the acknowledge- 
ments, so I wanted to give them their proper due. 

Michael Kelly 

The Keynoter 

RIP: Robert Rouse 

News of the death of Robert Rouse (APIC # 1 582) came in the mail when I received a copy of a newspaper article 
from Daniel Maxime (APIC #6334). The headline of the article read "Collected over 20,000 political campaign but- 
tons." Robert Rouse was a wonderful collector. Not only did he collect buttons, he researched buttons. My dealings 
with him related mainly to coattail items, those buttons listing a presidential candidate with a local candidate. Rouse 
was the acknowledged expert on these. Want to know who the Prokop on the "Kennedy/Prokop" button was? What 
about the Doutrich on the "Landon/Doutrich" button? Bob Rouse was the man with the answers. 

Over the years, Robert Rouse was a frequent contributor to the pages of this magazine, most recently in the 
Winter 2007 issue. In all, he published more than 50 articles in The Keynoter over the years. A professor at Elmhurst 
College in Illinois, Robert Rouse was elected to the APIC Hall of Fame in 1 989. Our field has lost a valuable source of 
information and a good friend with his passing. 


Volume 2008 • Number 2-4 

Feat u res^^HHHHHHHHHHHHI^^ 


Belva Lockwood for President 


The Connecticut Suffrape Association 


A Political Miracle 


Rose O'Neill and the Suffragette Kewpies 


Silent Sentinels 


Abolitionist Women and the Suffrage Movement 


"Jailed For Freedom" Pin 


The Actresses Franchise League 


The "Silent Sentinel" Picketing Pin 


"Sarah's Suffrage Victory " 


In Our Own Words 


So You Think You Know Button History? 


British Hunger Strike Medals and the Holloway Brooch 


Book Review - Winning the Vote: The Triumph of the 


The Suffrage Harvest Week Medal 

American Woman Suffrage Movement 


The First Suffrage Button 


Alva Belmont (1853-1933) Suffragist, reformer, 


What do the Stars Mean? 



The Origin of the Clarion Design 


Hikers Not Pikers 


1 9 1 A' A M<a\A/ Partv anri a Mova/ Plan 
1 7 1 o. r\ 1 New lai LV al lU a 1 New r lal 1 


The Art of Enamel Badges 


Images of the Woman's Suffrage Movement 


Cecelia Harris: An Inspiration 


Vote No on Suffrage 


Suffrage Toys 


Binding Up The Wounds - Suffragists in World War 1 


Women's Baseball & Suffrage, 1915 


Harriet May Mills (1857-1935) 


Bits and Pieces 


Who's Who in Women's Suffrage 


Fans: For and Against 


Suffragist or Suffragette 


Miriam A. Ferguson: First Elected Woman Governor 


Suffrage Day at the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition 1 909 


Ruth Hanna McCormick of Illinois 


The Woman's Land Army Aids Farmers 


Mrs. Smith Runs for President 


CONTRIBUTORS-The editor wishes to thanks the following for contributing text and/or illustrations to this issue: Autry National 
Center, Sarah Baldwin, Germaine Broussard, Robert Cooney, Frank Corbeil, Ken Florey, Robert Fratkin, Jo Freeman, Tonn French, David 
and Janice Frent, Harvey Goldberg, Chick Harris, Chris Hearn, Heritage Auctions, William Kirsner, Library of Congress, Chase Livingston, 
Norman Loewenstern, London Metropolitan University Maine Antique Digest, the National Women's History Museum, New Jersey 
Historical Society Pomegranate Publishing, Robin and Julie Powell, Bren Price, Dave Quintin, Ronnie Lapinsky Sax, Phil Shimkin, 
Rex Stark, Hilda Watrous and Jack Wilson. 

FRONT COVER~A handsome 6" Alice Paul button decorated with the flags of the World War I Allied nations. 

SUBMISSIONS~7"/7/5 is your publication. Please feel free to share your ideas, suggestions, illustrations and stories. The Keynoter 
is delighted to share pictures of interesting political Americana with its readers. When submitting an illustration, send it as an .eps, 
Jpg or .pdf file to Illustrations should be in color and submitted in digital format with at least 300 dpi resolution 
(preferably higher). Files must be created at 100% of actual size or larger (smaller risks loosing clarity). Digital electronic images 
should be saved to a minimum of 300 dpi as TIF, GIG, JPEG or EPS files, preferably in Adobe Photoshop. 

If you don't have access to a scanner or high-resolution digital camera, you can take your items to graphic service bureaus, such 
as Kinko's, and have them scanned in the specification mentioned above. You can then send the file by e-mail, on a CD or on a zip 
disk. If sending by zip disk, please supply return address. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Wmter 2008 


This 6" button celebrates suffragist leader 
Alice Paul. In 1913, Paul organized a huge parade 
with floats and banners on the eve of the inaugu- 
ration of President Woodrow Wilson. Over the 
next few years, she helped stage pickets, 
demonstrations, mass meetings, and hunger 
strikes. In 1917, they began picketing in front of 
the White House. The police began arresting 
protesters and they were jailed in deplorable 
conditions. Miss Paul herself was imprisoned 
three times. Finally, in 1919, after nearly 70 years. Congress passed the Susan 
B. Anthony Amendment. However, 36 states still needed to ratify the 
Amendment and many feared it would take many more years. Under Alice 
Paul's leadership, lobbying campaigns all across the nation resulted in ratifying 
the Amendment in time for women to vote for the first time in 1 920. Alice 
Paul knew this was only the beginning of securing equal rights for women. In 
the early 1 920s, she authored the Equal Rights Amendment and spent the rest 
of her life trying to get Congress to pass it. Miss Paul lived to see it passed in 
1920, but the Amendment ultimately died because two-thirds of the states did 
not ratify it in the required time. 


National Officers - President: Brian Krapf, Secretary: Harvey Goldberg, 
Treasurer: Edward Stahl, Vice President: Region 1 : Bruce DeMay, Region 
2: Frank Acker, Region 3: Germaine Broussard, Region 4: Michael 
McQuillen, Region 5: Larry Brokofsky, Region 6: Gary Jung, Region 7: 
Gharlie Hertlein, Board of Directors: Dennis Belt, Michael Dunham, Robert 
McGarthy, Al Bnndisi, Peter Economou, Sean Solomon, Greg Bannon, Jack 
Dixey, Roger Van Sickle, Morry Greener, Gene Held, Wendell Peterson, Tom 
Berg, Trent LeDoux, Pat Lenington, Adam Gottlieb, Ron Puechner, David 
Wilson, Bill Kirsner, Tom Peeling, David Quintin, National Chapter 
Coordinator: Melyssa Fratkin; Historian: Al Salter; Editor, APIC Keynoter. 
Michael Kelly; Past Presidents: Chris Hearn, Neal Machander, Norman 
Loewenstern, Geary VIk, Robert Fratkin, Larry Krug, U.I. "Chick" Harris. 
Membership Information: applications may be obtained by writing to the 
Director of Member Services at: APIC, Mark D. Evans PO BOX 55 Avon, NY 
14414 • Email; • Phone 585-226-8620 

PO Box 922, Clark NJ 07066. email: 

American Political Items Conservators is the educational division of the 
American Political Items Collectors Inc., a 501 (c)3 tax exempt organization. 
APIC seeks to encourage and support the study and preservation of original 
materials issuing from and relating to political campaigns of the United States 
of America and to bring its members fuller appreciation and deeper under- 
standing of the candidates and issues that form our political hentage. 

All correspondence about content should 
be addressed to: 


Michael Kelly 
1901 Montclair Avenue 

Flint, Ml 48503 

Executive Editor 

Robert Fratkin 

Illustrations Editor 

Germaine Broussard 

Locals Editor 

David Quintin 

Design & Production 

Michael Tews 

All correspondence about mailing and 
obtaining copies should be addressed to: 

Member Services 

Mark D. Evans 
PO. Box 55 
Avon, New York 14414 

Editorial Board 

Robert Fratkin 
Harvey Goldberg 
Michael Kelly 
Brian Krapf 
Edmund Sullivan 
John Gingerich 

Contributing Editors 

Steve Baxley 
Robert "RJ." Cooney 
Stephen Cresswell 
David Frent 

Advertising Director 

Mark D. Evans 

Printed By 

Modern Litho-Print Co. 
Jefferson City MO 

© 2009 APIC New Jersey 07066 • Printed in USA 

The Keynoter • Sunimer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Belva Lockwood for President 

By Jack Wilson 

In 1872, stockbroker-publisher Victoria Woodhull ran for president on the Equal Rights Party ticket, advocating equal 
suffrage, marxism and free love, among other progressive platform planks. Her candidacy was regarded by most of the 
public as another clever self-promotion scheme on her part. 

In 1884, the time seemed right for a second woman to run for President. That woman was Belva Lockwood (1830- 
1917). She was the nominee of the short lived National Equal Rights Party. As a teacher and lawyer she dedicated her life 
to fighting discrimination against women and worked to improve the status of women. 

Having been initially denied the right to practice law before the Supreme Court, she drafted a law that passed within 
three years which lifted the restriction. She was then appropriately honored by being the first woman admitted to practice 
before our highest court. In 1872, she made speeches on behalf of the first woman to run for president, Victoria Woodhull. 

As the National Equal Rights Party standard-bearer, she looked at her opportunity as a means of publicizing the femi- 
nist cause. The Party platform called for equal rights for all, including Negroes, Native Americans and immigrants; curtail- 
ment of the liquor trade; uniform marriage and divorce laws; and universal peace. However, most of the other prominent 
suffragists, such as Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton disavowed her. They had decided to work within the two- 
party system and supported the Republican nominee James Blaine. 

Undeterred, Lockwood worked extremely hard to be a formidable candidate. She was paired with Marietta L. Stow of 
California for Vice President and had such noted suffragists as Matilda Gage of New York as an elector In the end, she 
received 4, 149 votes in the six states which allowed her on the ballot. 

Article continued on page 12. 





1888 Stickpin and mechanical paper card showing Benjamin Butler hiding under Belvia's skirt. 

Civil War general and then MA Congressman, Butler had introduced legislation seeking equal- 
ity for women in 1871. Butler ran for president in 1884 on the Greenback and Antimonopoly 

Parties' tickets. 



The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


Belva a. Lockwood. 




Iqual RioHTs Party. 



Belva A. Lockwood, 



Marietta L. Stow, 


HI,E("rORS AT 7.AB«E. 

Fa.vetteville, N. Y. 
Lockport, N. Y. 

First District: Mary P. Pell, 
Flushing, L. L 
Second Disti ict: S. Twichel, Brooklyn. 
Third District: Harry Waldron, Brooklyn 
Fonrth Distriif J. B. Gibbs, N. Y. City. 
Fifth District: S. Vos, N. Y. City. 
Sixth District: Joel A. Pinney, 
N. Y. City. 
Seventh District: Wm. B. Walsh, 
N. Y. City. 
Eighth District: Clara M. Biinkerhoff, 
N. Y. City. 
Ninth District: 0. H. Audernon, 
Tenth district: 

Eleventh district: Charlotte A. Von Cert, 
N. Y. City. 
Twelfth district: Hp.rristt L. Dolsec. 
Thirteenth district: Helen M. Loder, 
Fourteenth district: Lydia S. Hasbroucb 
Fifteenth district: Ida Paige Butler. 
Sixteenth district: Kate Stoneman, 
Seventeenth district: 


DUKES mixture: 

W Dl'KE • 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 



Belva LocljWood 

North Attleboro, 


Article continued from page 1 0. 

Four years later, Belva 
Lockwood was again nominated 
for President by the party at 
their convention in Des Moines, 
Iowa. Her running mate was 
Alfred Henry Love of 
Pennsylvania and in other states 
Charles S. Wells appeared on the 
ballot. The results were less 
impressive, however, and the 
final tally of votes remains 

Following her political 
career she continued her efforts 
to secure the right of women to 
vote. She also authored suffrage 
amendments for three states, 
and the law which secured 
women the equal right to own 
property in the District of 

V'l nv<HSl'lc2K(K>OV UNV HV'lnlKiS '=i.LinnMa iaH.L 


dominated for Presitliiit of Ihr Republic bi/ the Kuiiunul i 
Eqmil Rights Party. Aug. 23d. ISS4. at j 
San Fruntii^to. Col. 

(•.ipyriKllt, IXM. I.y S. Vox. N. V. 

The cartoon appeared in the Puck magazine in 1884. The title is "The Busted 
Side-Show" and shows Belva Lockwood, General Benjamin Butler, Thomas Grady 
of Tammany Hall and editor Charles Dana returning from their failed attempts 

for the Presidency. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Anderson Auction 

Own a Piece 
Of History 

PO Box 644 
Troy, Ohio 

New Collectors: Request 

a free sample auction 
Consignments Welcome 


Thousands of Items in Every Auction 
Four Catalogs a Year; On-Line Bidding 
More than 37 years in Business 

Al Anderson Dave Lindeman 


discriminating and eclectic 


• Visit us regularly - our inventory is always in motion. 

• Money Back Guarantee of Authenticity. 

• Always Buying Collections in Whole or Part. 

• Banned Books! Protest Art! No Cause Unrepresented! 

• Located I mile off the Capital Beltway. 

^ ^ 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

A Political Miracle 

By Sarah Baldwin 





As true of American politics generally, New York State exerted an enormous influence on the 
woman suffrage movement. Its two primary leaders, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, 
lived there. Anthony's campaign in the 1870s to test the 14th Amendment and women's right to 
vote largely was carried out in New York. Yet New York also was home to a strong anti-suffrage 
movement. In 1894 a young Elihu Root successfully led opposition to women serving as delegates 
at the New York State Constitutional Convention and to revising the state constitution to allow 
women to vote. Although western states continued, state by state, to enfranchise their women, opposition remained 
entrenched in the East. 

By 1909, Harriot Stanton Blatch was, like her mother, stirring things up. She insisted that working women be brought 
into the movement and that Americans adopt open air meetings and other tactics of their English sis- 
ters. In New York City, suffragists established their own political party — The Woman Suffrage Party. 
That year the city fathers devised a new political structure which divided the five boroughs into 63 
assembly districts with a total of 2, 1 27 election districts. Tammany Hall long 
had recognized the value of a political organization which paralleled voting dis- 
tricts. Quickly seeing the potential edge this could give on Election Day, other 
political parties adopted a similar structure. The Woman Suffrage Party, with 
this successful model before it, set up committees responsible for each assembly district and, with- 
in each assembly district, each election district. It required a massive effort — sorting out geograph- 
ical boundaries for existing organs and committees and creating new ones where there were none. As difficult as this task 
proved to be, it laid the groundwork for the achievements of the following decade. 

In 1915, suffragists persuaded legislators in four key Eastern states — 

Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York and Pennsylvania — to send the 
woman suffrage issue to its voters. The NAWSA printed and distributed 
many broadsides, flyers and pamphlets which could be used in any of 
the four states, though these often appeared under the imprint of the 
state organization. One poster, in blue and gold, urged "Votes for 
Women 1915." Posters with "Oct. 19th", "Nov. 2nd" or "Nov 6th", the 
voting dates for New Jersey and the other three states used the same 






The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Elizabeth Smith 


;39lh AWNUAL 



Qe: N e: va 

OCT. -| B -1 e 
1 QOT 

to the SOr 


Nov no 


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^ WOMAN \ 



In New York, Carrie Chapman Catt agreed to spearhead the referendum cam- 
paign. As Ida Husted Harper notes in History of Woman Suffrage, "Mrs. Catt had no 
superior in organizing ability." She immediately established a coordinating committee 
with the heads or representatives of various suffrage groups and called their joint effort 
"The Empire State Campaign." In addition to the New York State Woman Suffrage 
Association (the state arm of the NAWSA) were the Equal Franchise Society (whose 
members were largely wealthy society matrons), the Woman Suffrage Party of New 
York, the College Equal Suffrage League and the Men's League for Women Suffrage. The Committee took its 
logo from the New York State official seal which depicts two classical figures, Justice and Liberty, standing on 
either side of a rising sun. The logo appeared on pins, buttons, and drinking cups as well as other suffrage 

The Committee divvied up responsibility for different campaign tasks. The Equal Franchise Society, for 
instance, undertook "Literature" and calculated by campaign's end 149,533 posters had gone up, 1,000,000 
buttons distributed, 200,000 matches with "Vote Yes on the Suffrage Amendment" and 35,000 fans printing 
the suffrage map had been given out. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


^^OMEN VOTE on equal terms with men In 
Wyoming, New Zealand, Australia, Colorado, 
Idaho, Utah, Finland, Norway, Bosnia, Washington and 

Wliv uui Now York? 

Ink blotter 



One hundred fifty 
assembly district leaders and 
some 5,000 election district 
captains worked under Mrs. 
Catt's direction. She sent 
out the pamphlet, "Program 
for Election District 
Campaign Work in New 
York", which outlined 35 
key campaign principles. 
First, the captain should 
have a map of her election 
district with its boundaries 
clearly defined and then a 
list of enrolled voters and registered voters. Catt emphasized the importance of meet- 
ing directly with influential men and women whether they supported suffrage or not; of 
personal invitations to secure large audiences; and of enthusiasm to carry one's convic- 
tions. She also discussed specifics such as the decoration of automobiles to help adver- 
tise and arouse interest in a scheduled meeting, the passing of "yellow slips" (pledge 
forms) during meetings and displaying signs and cards declaring support for woman suf- 
frage. She set clear tasks for each month and a fundraising goal for each election district. 

The campaign sought to make the "Votes for Women" issue ubiquitous. There were 
parades, automobile caravans, outdoor meetings, street speeches, posters in movie the- 
ater lobbies, storefronts with "silent speeches", i.e. broadsides, special suffrage sections 
in newspapers — foreign language dailies as well as mainstream American papers, suf- 
frage booths at county fairs, suffrage schools and house-to-house canvassing. Supporters 
gave speeches in movie theaters and vaudeville halls with slides [see page 127]. History 
of Woman Suffrage records that "comedians were asked to make references to suf- 
frage... and jokes [were] collected for them and appropriate lines suggested." The cam- 
paign's Art Committee prevailed upon artists and cartoonists to illustrate suffrage articles 
and broadsides. One particularly memorable piece by Art Young, a cartoonist who 
worked for the Chicago Evening Mail and the Chicago Inter-Ocean and also contributed to 
The Masses, hoisted the anti-suffragist on a very deft petard. Suffragists gave a Fourth of 
July celebration at the Statue of Liberty. They cultivated different professions by honor- 
ing them with a special "day": "Firemen's Day;" "Barbers' Day;" etc. 

hHarriot Stanton Blatch and her Women's Political Union pursued their own separate 
campaign. The purple, green and white colors, adopted from the WSPU, appeared on 
their buttons. The WPU sometimes printed their flyers and handbills in their signature 
purple. A traveling van carried WPU activists throughout the state to speak out for the 
amendment and to circulate literature. 

Two buttons for the Women's Political Union. 

The WPU campaigned independently in 
19 IS, in large part because of Mrs. Blotch's 
increasing dislike of Carrie Chapman Catt. 

The WPU and the ESCC generally 
cooperated in urban areas but skirmished 
over turf in rural upstate New York. 





The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

On October 30, 191 5, just three days before the election, the WPU hosted an Elizabeth 
Cady Stanton Centennial Luncheon at the Hotel Astor in New York City. Nearly 1 ,000 
women — among them Alva Belmont, Anna Howard Shaw and, of course, Harriot Stanton 
Blatch — attended. It proved a last hurrah for the WPU. After the 1915 election it merged with 
Alice Paul's National Woman's Party. 

The work of some 200,000 women on behalf of the woman suffrage amendment, however, 
failed to persuade New York voters to give them the vote. On November 2 the referendum on 
woman suffrage went down to defeat in New York as it did in Massachusetts, New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania. Two nights later the women held a mass rally at Cooper Union in New York City. 
They vowed the question would be on the ballot again in 1917 and this time they would win. 

"The campaign had been one of the highways, and of spectacular displays; that of 191 7 of 
the byways, of quiet intensive work to reach every group of citizens." [History of Woman 
Suffrage]. The NAWSA turned to Carrie Chapman Catt after these resounding defeats of 
1915 and convinced her to reassume the presidency. The 1915 drive had validated the 
general effectiveness of Catt's organization, but further implementation, and a more tightly 
knit organization was needed. Upstate rural New York continued to resist woman suffrage 
and the ESCC had not been as effective there as in New York City and other urban areas. 
The various suffrage societies consolidated into the New York State Woman Suffrage Party 

under the leadership of Vera Whitehouse. 

Suffragists declared in the 1915 campaign 
that 1 ,000,000 New York women wanted 
suffrage. Opponents sneered at the claim 
and declared it an empty boast. In 1917 the 
women determined to prove their claim true 
and initiated a statewide petition in support 
of woman suffrage. The results would be^ 
given dramatic play that fall. 

Handbills and broadsides continued 
themes suffragists considered salient. The suffrage map, updated to show the latest gains, 
appeared on postcards and other suffrage pieces. Campaign literature targeted more specific 
groups: farmers, laborers, factory workers, etc. One flyer, for instance, intended for farm- 
ers, argued "any work that needs doing is Woman's work" and pointed out that women do 
chores, milk cows, and use butter and egg money to help pay taxes on the farm. "[TJhe 
farmer and his wife are partners... /They work together.A'Vhy not vote together?" Suffragists 
held all kinds of events — stints and stunts Catt called them — to bring in voters. This tick- 
et advertises a barn dance. 

Two major factors, however, forced the 1917 New York State Campaign into new territory: public reaction to the 
picketing of the White House by Alice Paul's Woman's Party beginning in January 1917; and, U.S. entry into World War I in 

Many considered the picketing unseemly and disrespectful. Once Wilson committed American soldiers to the war in 
Europe, suffragists often found themselves attacked as "Pro-German." The NAWSA and the New York State Suffrage 
Association struggled to make it clear their members neither picketed nor approved of Paul's tactics. 





The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

With the war, women found themselves asked to give their energies to a host 
of patriotic duties. From April through August, the referendum campaign stalled as 
the women sorted out what they needed to do and what they could do. Mrs. Catt 
emphasized suffragists had to exert themselves to support the war effort and to 
continue to work for the franchise. The NAWSA maintained an Overseas Hospital 
in France; many suffrage supporters donated time and material to the Red Cross. 
Campaign literature began to incorporate themes which highlighted the highly visi- 
ble role and wide-ranging responsibilities of American women during wartime at 
the same time that they enjoyed only limited citizenship. In the flyer "Suffrage as a 
War Measure," the campaign emphasized the contrast between the rights accorded 
American women and those of allied countries. Elsewhere the campaign focused 
on ways in which women could make a difference at home as in the "Garden 
Primer" put out by the Albany branch of the New York State Woman Suffrage Party. 

That fall Maine voters decisively turned away a woman suffrage referendum. It 
looked as though New York voters might do the same. Suffragists noted a marked 
fall off in newspaper coverage of the campaign and in voter interest. Finally, howev- 
er. President Woodrow Wilson declared his firm support for woman suffrage. The 
New York Woman Suffrage Party printed a leaflet entitled "What President Wilson 
Says" quoting the President with the demand, "Stand by Our President and make our 
own glorious country a Democracy... Show that you are a true American." 
Suffrage supporters held the last great suffrage parade in New York City on October 
27, 1917. They had succeeded in obtaining the signatures of over 1 ,000,000 women 
and suffragists proudly gave the mammoth statewide petition pride of place. 
"Smaller by far than that of 1915, [the 1917 parade] was perhaps even more effec- 
tive. Along with 2,500 women carrying placards enumerating the signatures of more 
than a million women to a suffrage petition came divisions of farmerettes, women 
workers in industry, doctors, and Red Cross nurses for overseas service. What the 
parade dramatized was taking place in life in every city and at every crossroads in 
the country. How then, by any manner of logic, could women still be denied the 
rights of citizenship?" [Century of Struggle] 

How indeed? Once again voters found themselves faced with a confusing ballot, 
a favorite stratagem of anti-suffrage forces that certainly had added to anti-suffrage 
votes in 1915. Once again, as they had two years before, suffragists put out massive 
numbers of flyers illustrating the ballot and exactly where the voters should make 
their mark. 

This time voters were persuaded that they needed to accord justice, equal 
rights and full citizenship to women. Catt declared the victory "a political miracle." 
She thought it the lever that made passage of a federal amendment giving women 
the vote an inevitability. Later analysts and scholars concur. The 1917 New York 
State referendum campaign, laid on the careful groundwork of thel9l5 drive, made 
the enfranchisement of women a question of when not if. 


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The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Silent Sentinels 

The Silent Sentinels were a group of women in favor of 
woman's suffrage organized by Alice Paul to protest in front of the 
White House during Woodrow Wilson's presidency. The protests 
started January 10, 1917 and lasted until June 1919 when the 
Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution passed 
both the House of Representatives and Senate. During those 18 
months, more than a thousand different women picketed every day 
and night except Sunday. 

The following are examples of banners held by the women: 

"Mr President, what will you do for woman suffrage?" 

"Mr President, how long must women wait for liberty?" 

"We shall fight for the things which we have always 
carried nearest our hearts--for democracy, for the right 
of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their 
own governments." (a quotation from Wilson's April 2, 
1917 speech before a joint session of Congress seeking a 
declaration of war against Germany) 

"Democracy Should Begin at Home" 

"The time has come to conquer or submit, for us there 
can be but one choice. We have made it." 
(another quotation from Wilson) 

Kaiser WiLSOiv 

The Poof? C-£-/?/vf/jf^s 
Because The}^ ^Tepe/Vot 

f^'^'^'^-'^N Women fitiE Not 




"Kaiser Wilson, have you forgotten your sympathy with the poor Germans because they were not self-governed? 
20,000,000 American women are not self-governed. Take the beam out of your own eye." (comparing Wilson to 
Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany, and to a famous quote of Jesus regarding hypocrisy) 

At first, Wilson ignored the protestors. But public opinion about the protests changed after April 6, 1917, when the 
United States entered World War I. Spectators assaulted the protestors, both verbally and physically. However, police did 
nothing to protect the protestors. 

On June 22, 191 7, police arrested protestors Lucy Burns and Katherine Morey on charges of obstructing traffic because 
they carried a banner quoting from Wilson's speech to Congress: "We shall fight for the things which we have always carried 
nearest our hearts--for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own govern- 
ments." These charges were dropped. Then on June 25, 1 2 women were arrested, including Mabel Vernon and Annie Arneil 
from Delaware, again on charges of obstructing traffic. They were sentenced to three days in jail or to pay a $25 fine. They 
chose jail. On July 14, 1 6 women, including Florence Bayard Hilles were arrested and sentenced to 60 days in jail or to pay 
a $25 fine. Again, the women chose jail. After serving three days in the Occoquan Workhouse in Virginia (now the Lorton 
Correctional Complex), Wilson pardoned the women. 

Continued on page 28. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 






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The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


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As the suffragists kept protesting, the jail terms grew longer. Finally, 
police arrested Alice Paul on October 20, 191 7, while she carried a ban- 
ner that quoted Wilson; "The time has come to conquer or submit, for 
us there can be but one choice. We have made it." She was sentenced 
to seven months in prison. Paul and many others were again sent to the 
Occoquan Workhouse, where Paul was placed in solitary confinement 
for two weeks, with nothing to eat except bread and water She 
became weak and unable to walk, so she was taken to the prison hospi- 
tal. There, she began a hunger strike, and others joined her. In 
response to the hunger strike, prison doctors placed Paul in a psychi- 
atric ward and threatened to transfer her to St. Elizabeth's Hospital, an 
insane asylum. She still refused to eat. Doctors became afraid that she 
might die, so three times a day for three weeks they forced a tube 
down her throat and poured liquids into her stomach. One physician 
reported that she had "a spirit like Joan of Arc and it is useless to try to 
change it. She will die but she will never give up." 

Despite this seeming regard for Paul's health, those at the prison 
deprived her of sleep. They directed an electric light at her face and 
turned it on briefly every hour of every night. There were also reports 
of worm-infested food and unsanitary conditions for the jailed protes- 

On the night of November 15, 1917, the superintendent of the 
Occoquan Workhouse, WH. Whittaker, ordered the nearly forty guards 
to brutalize the suffragists. They beat Lucy Burns, chained her hands to 
the cell bars above her head, and then left her there for 
the night. They threw Dora Lewis into a dark cell and 
smashed her head against an iron bed, which knocked her 
out. Her cellmate, Alice Cosu, who believed Lewis to be 
dead, suffered a heart attack. According to affidavits, 
guards grabbed, dragged, beat, choked, pinched, and 
kicked other women. 

Newspapers carried stories about how the protestors 
were being treated. The stories angered some Americans 
and subsequently created more support for the suffrage 
amendment. On November 27 and 28, all the protestors 
were released, including Alice Paul after spending five 
weeks in prison. Later, in March 1918, the Washington 
Court of Appeals declared all suffrage arrests, trials, and 
punishments illegal. 

On January 9, 1918, Wilson announced his support of 
the women's suffrage amendment. The next day, the 
House of Representatives narrowly passed the amend- 
ment but the Senate refused to even debate it until 
October. When the Senate voted on the amendment in 
October, it failed by two votes. And in spite of the ruling by 
the Washington Court of Appeals, arrests of White House 
protestors resumed on August 6, 1918. 

Continued bottom page 29. 

NR. President 

/r /s Unjust 
To Deny "J)/om£N 
A Vo/C £: In 

Their Govb:rnment 
When The (xovernment 








The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

'Jailed for Freedom'' Pin 

In December, 1917, at a meeting in their honor, the 
pickets who had been jailed were presented with small 
silver pins in the shape of prison doors with heart- 
shaped lockets. Pin shown enlarged. 

Vida Millholland in her cell in Occoquan Workhouse. 


Continued from page 28. 

On another front, the National Woman's Party, led by Paul, urged citizens to vote against anti-suffrage senators up for 
election in the fall of 1918. After the 1918 election, most members of Congress were pro-suffrage. To keep up the pres- 
sure, on December 16, 1918, protestors started burning Wilson's words in watch fires in front of the White House. On 
February 9, 1919, the protestors burned Wilson's image in effigy at the White House. On May 21, 1919, the House of 
Representatives passed the amendment, and 2 weeks later on June 4, the Senate finally followed. With their work done in 
Congress, the protestors turned their attention to getting the states to ratify the amendment. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

— m 

The ''Silent SentineP' 

Picketing Pin 

On Januat7 10, 1917, the first "Pickets" 
were posted outside the White House. They 
were present all day "as a perpetual reminder 
to President Wilson that they held him respon- 
sible for their disfranchisement." They stood 
there unmolested for three months. 

T However, once the United States entered 
World War I, the pickets began to be looked on 
as un-American. On June 27, police started 
arresting "Silent Sentinels" for "obstructing the 
traffic." Before the arrests ended, 200 suffragist would be taken 
into custody. They refused to pay their fines and were sentenced 
from three days to seven months at the jail and workhouse at 
Lorton, Virginia. 

Hunger strikes quickly followed, then forced feedings. The 
public outcry grew so loud that President Wilson pardoned all of 
the prisoners. They simply returned to the White House to con- 
tinue their efforts. The exact number of these pins is unknown. 
However, the number is estimated at between 150-200. Each pin 
is in the shape of a protest banner, with the words "WITHOUT 
EXTINCTION IS LIBERTY," the last word of suffragist martyr 
Inez Mulhulland. On the back of the pin are words "FOR SER- 


Joy Youno at the Inez M[lholland Memorial 

College students join the picketers. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 



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In Our Own Words 

If particular care and attention is not paid 
to the ladies, we are determined to foment 
a rebellion, and will not hold ourselves 
bound by any laws in which we have no 
voice or representation. 

- Abigail Adams 

Men their rights and nothing more: women 
their rights and nothing less. 

-Susan B. Anthony 

Failure is impossible. 

-Susan B. Anthony 

[Tjhere never will be complete equality until 
women themselves help to make laws and 
elect lawmakers. 

-Susan B. Anthony 

justice IS better than chivalry if we cannot 
have both. 

-Alice Stone Blackwell 

Mr Darwin ... has failed to hold definitely 
before his mind the pnnciple that the differ- 
ence of sex. whatever it may consist in. 
must Itself be subject to natural selection 
and evolution. 

-Antoinette Brown Blackwell 

If society will not admit of woman's free 
development, then society must be remod- 

-Elizabeth Blackwell 

The world has never yet seen a truly great 
and virtuous nation, because in the degra- 
dation of women, the very fountains of life 
are poisoned at their source. 

-Lucretia Mott 

/ have no idea of submitting tamely to injus- 
tice inflicted either on me or on the slave. I 
will oppose It with all the moral powers with 
which I am endowed. I am no advocate of 

-Lucretia Mott 

When a just cause reaches its flood-tide, as 
ours has done in that country, whatever 
stands in the way must fall before its over- 
whelming power 

-Carrie Chapman Catt 

just as the world war is no white man's war 
but every man's war so is the struggle for 
woman suffrage no white woman's struggle, 
but every woman's struggle. 

-Carrie Chapman Catt 

Everybody counts in applying democracy 
And there will never be a true democracy 
until every responsible and law-abiding 
adult in It, without regard to race, sex, 
color or creed has his or her own inalienable 
and unpurchasable voice in government. 

-Carrie Chapman Catt 

The argument of the broken pane of glass is 
the most valuable argument in modern poli- 

-Emmeline Pankhurst 

Trust in God: She will provide. 

-Emmeline Pankhurst 

As long as women consent to be unjustly 
governed, they will be: but directly women 
say: "We withhold our consent," we will not 
be governed any longer as long as govern- 
ment IS unjust. 

-Emmeline Pankhurst 

Because man and woman are the comple- 
ment of one another, we need woman's 
thought in national affairs to make a safe 
and stable government. 

-Elizabeth Cady Stanton 

So long as women are slaves, men will be 

-Elizabeth Cady Stanton 

/ think, with never-ending gratitude, that 
the young women of today do not and can 
never know at what pnce their right to free 
speech and to speak at all in public has 
been earned. 

-Lucy Stone(l893) 

/ expect to plead not for the slave only but 
for suffenng humanity everywhere. 
Especially do I mean to labor for the eleva- 
tion of my sex. 

-Lucy Stone(l847) 

If women want any rights they had better 
take them, and say nothing about it. 

-Harriet Beecher Stowe 

When you get into a tight place and every- 
thing goes against you till it seems you 
could not hold on a minute longer never 
give up then for that is just the place and 
time that the tide will turn. 

-Harriet Beecher Stowe 

Frances Perkins (to Carrie 
Chapman Catt), commenting on 
her position as Secretary of Labor 
in the FDR Cabinet (the first 
woman Cabinet member): 
"The door might not be opened to a woman 
again for a long, long time and I had a kind 
of duty to other women to walk in and sit 
down on the chair that was offered, and so 
establish the right of others long hence and 
far distant in geography to sit in the high 

The test for whether or not you can hold a 
job should not be the arrangement of your 

- Bella Abzug 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

British Hunger Stril(e Medals and tlie 
Holloway Broocli 

The Hunger Strike Medals were first presented in August 1909. They were issued 
in recognition of those suffragettes who engaged in hunger strikes while in prison for 
the crime of seeking the right to vote. The medal is comprised of a silver pin bar 
engraved "For Valour," a hanging length of tri-color ribbon, and a silver bar, from which 
is suspended a silver round medal with the name of the presentee on one side and 
"Hunger Striker" on the other. The silver bar is engraved with the date of the owner's 

Some medals have more than one silver bar, a new bar being issued for each arrest 
during which they went on a hunger strike. Enameled purple, white and green bars, 
with the legend on the reverse "Fed by Force [date]" were awarded for each impris- 
onment in which the recipient was force fed. 

Each medal was presented in a dark purple box, with a green velvet lining. Each 
was printed in gold on white silk on the inside lid with the following: "Presented to 
(name) by the Women's Social and Political Union in recognition of a gallant action, 
whereby through endurance to the last extremity of hunger and hardship a great prin- 
ciple of political justice was vindicated." These medals were produced by Toye and cost 
the WSPU one Pound each. The exact number of medals issued is unknown, however, 
the number probably is around 100. 

01 TO 


IN Kl-COr.NITION OK A tiA;.i.ANT AC! Itf? 

From the presentation case for the medal shown 

on the left. Mary Richardson's Medal on right. , Mary 


This Women's Social and Political Union medal for valor was awarded to 
Mary Richardson, the Canadian-born militant suffragette who, in protest at the re-arrest of Emmeline 
Pankhurst in March 1914, slashed the "Rokeby" Venus painting with an axe at the National Gallery, 
saying: "You can get another picture, but you can not get another life, and they are killing Mrs. 

The silver medal, hallmarked for Birmingham 1912, is believed to carry the greatest number of 
tri-color enamel award bars given by the WSPU during the hunger strikes - an indication that no one 
was forcefed more often than 'Slasher' Richardson. 

Helen Watts 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Hunger strike medal awarded to Norah Dacre Fox. 

Shown enlarged 

The Suffragette movement in England 
wanted to recognize those women who 
endured great sacrifice and hardship in the 
pursuit of the right to vote. To do so, Sylvia 
Pankhurst in 1909 designed the "Holloway" 
brooch as the "Victoria Cross" of the 
Woman's Social and Political Union. The 
brooch was awarded to released WSPU 
prisoners. Its design is of the portcullis sym- 
bol of the House of Commons; the gate and 
hanging chains are in silver, with a superim- 
posed broad arrow in purple, white and 
green enamel, representing the image used 
on prison uniforms in Britain. Some are also 
dated with the time of imprisonment. The 
exact number of brooches issued is 
unknown. However, the number is 
estimated at no more than 1 00. 

Enlargement of above medal, struck in America to 
commemorate Emmeline Pankhurst's visit, 1914. 
Reverse shows forced feeding. 



Postcard showing prison force feeding and prison clothing 
design, represented as an "arrow" on the gate pin. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The Suffrage Harvest Week Medal 

Originally thought to be a Suffrage Paperweight promoting Harvest Week for the New York State Woman Suffrage 
Party, research by Samuel Pennington, printed in the November 2007 Maine Antique Digest, identifies the "paperweight" as 
a medal awarded by the NYSWSP in 1916. 

As part of a state wide effort to recruit new workers for the woman suffrage cause in 1916, the state committee 
devised an award to be presented to the "person who secured the greatest number of new workers for suffrage." The 
"Harvest Week" would run from October 16 to the 21st. The award would be presented at the State Convention, held in 
Albany, NY in November 1916. 

The winner of the medal was Mrs. Cornelia de Zeng-Foster of Syracuse, NY. Mrs. Foster, who was originally from 
Auburn, NY had only recently moved to Syracuse. 

The 3-1/2" cast uniface (one-sided) medal features five women gathering wheat - and symbolizing the gathering of sup- 
porters for woman suffrage. The year, 1916, appears to the right and a circular border of embossed lettering reads - 
"NEW YORK STATE WOMAN SUFFRAGE PARTY - HARVEST WEEK" and has the initials "AMW". The medal was 
designed by Alice Morgan Wright. Ms. Wright was a native of Albany and a graduate of Smith College. While studying 
abroad in 1912, she attended a Suffrage demonstration in London and was later arrested and interned in Hoiloway Prison 
with Emmeline Pankhurst. She returned to the US in 1914 and continued her efforts for the cause. She opened a studio in 
New York City. She returned to Albany in 1 920 and became very active for the humane treatment of animals. 

It is interesting to note that there are at least 2 examples of this medal known. There may be more but usually when 
an artist produces a medal, they produce what are known as "strike" medals that are test medals to see that the medal is 
what they envisioned and are satisfied with before they produce the final issue. This allows the artist to examine the medal 
for any flaws or needed corrections. Also, artists often strike a medal for themselves for future exhibitions. This may 
account for the second or any additional examples. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The First Suffrage Button 

By Kenneth Florey 

The first suffrage button or pin was probably the small 5/8" stickpin pictured here, featuring 
the numeral " 1848," a commemoration of the Seneca Falls convention of that year The number 
was set in gold on ruby glass encased in a scalloped metal sunflower frame, a derivation of the 
symbol of the state of Kansas. The piece, which could have been worn as either a lapel item or a 
hatpin, was issued by the National American Woman Suffrage Association around 1 896, its first real 
venture into lapel material beyond convention identification ribbons. The piece was also made into 
a badge with a hanger that contained the organization's initials "NAWSA." At the same time, 
NAWSA made stationery featuring the Kansas inspired logo, which they used as their official enve- 
lope. Susan B. Anthony used this design for a period on her personal stationery. Sometime later, 
probably between 1910 and 1920, NAWSA commemorated the logo on a small 5/8" celluloid but- 
ton that is also pictured. 

The use of the Kansas sunflower design had historical significance for the early suffragists. In 
1887, Kansas women chose a yellow ribbon to represent what they stood for, and called the 
resultant lapel piece a "sunflower badge." A writer in the Woman's journal for November 26, 1887 
noted that just as "the sunflower follows civilization, follows the wheel-tract and the plow, so 
woman suffrage inevitably follows civilized government." 

The use of the sunflower ribbon in various manifestations quickly caught on and was soon 
adopted by suffragists in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts, partly through the influence of Mary Livermore. Although the 
sunflower itself eventually dropped from suffrage iconography, the color "yellow" did not, and it quickly became the "official 
color" of many of the mainstream suffrage organizations in America, including NAWSA. It should be noted, though, that 
despite the lead of the Kansas suffragists, this first pin was issued in ruby red, not yellow. 

There is record of an earlier lapel piece than the NAWSA stickpin, although this item probably was more of a formal 
hanging badge than a button. The Woman's Journal of July 30, 1892 records the account of a California woman who refers to 
a badge created by a Los Angeles club as an "object lesson." It featured the NAWSA flag in a field of blue, emblazoned with 
one star, a symbol of the state of Wyoming, which, at the time, was the only state wherein women were fully franchised. 
The anonymous California woman also noted that; "By causing me to be questioned, my badge has many times led to con- 
versation of the subject of woman's political position in the government . . ." Whatever form this California piece took, no 
copies have surfaced among collectors, and, accordingly, to the NAWSA 1848 stickpin must go the title of the first true suf- 
frage pin. 

NAWSA insignia 






The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

What do the Stars Mean? 



fop ^ 

One of the most common similarities in "Votes for Women" buttons is the stars on the pins. The use of 
the stars as symbols for the states with suffrage for women was started by Suffragists in 1 894, at the 
Twenty-Sixth annual convention of the National-American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) in 
Washington, DC. Over the platform was draped a large suffrage flag, bearing two full stars for Wyoming 
and Colorado. The flag also had two more stars merely outlined in gold for Kansas and New York, which 
had equal suffrage amendments pending that year. The hope was to add stars to the "galaxy" when the 
amendments passed. Instead of "Old Glory," the equal rights banner was referred to as "New Glory." Susan 
B. Anthony received a silk flag with the two stars in honor of her seventy-fourth birthday, on the first 
evening of the convention, a gift from the enfranchised women of Wyoming and Colorado. 

At the Twenty-Seventh annual NAWSA Convention, two flags hung over the platform. One, that of the 
association, had the two stars representing, once again, Wyoming and Colorado, the second on which the 
host ladies from Georgia ingeniously depicted the relative standing of the different States on the suffrage 
question. The States where women had no form of suffrage were represented by black stars. Those where 
they could only vote for school committee or on certain local questions had a golden rim. Kansas and Iowa 
had a wider golden rim, to indicate municipal and bond suffrage. 

In 1897, Susan B. Anthony responded to criticism that the suffrage banner with its four stars (Idaho and 
Utah were added in 1896) desecrated our country's flag. She stated the "no one ever heard anything about 
the desecration of the flag during the political campaign, when the names and portraits of all the candidates 
were tacked to it. Our critics compare us to Texas and its lone star We have not gone out of the Union, 
but four States have come in... Keep your flag flying, and do not let anyone persuade you that you are dese- 
crating it by putting on stars for the States where government is based on the consent of the governed, and 
leaving them off for those which are not." 

In 1 900, on the occasion of her eightieth birthday. Miss Anthony was presented with a brooch, a little 
American flag made of gold and jewels by Mrs. Helen M. Warren, wife of the Senator from Wyoming. The 
brooch flag had on its field forty-one common stars and four diamonds, representing the four progressive 
(suffrage) states— Wyoming, the banner state; Colorado, Utah and Idaho. The back of the flag bears this 
inscription; "Miss Anthony. From the ladies of Wyoming, who love and revere you. Many happy returns of 
the day." 

The movement continued to use the symbol of the stars throughout the suffrage struggle. The next 
star was added in 1910 when Washington State adopted a constitutional amendment 
on suffrage. In 1911, the great state of California added its star to the flag. The next 
year, 1912, Oregon, Kansas and Arizona were added. Two years passed before the 
next stars, Montana and Nevada, were added. It took five more years before the star 
of New York could be added in 1917. 





The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Then in 1918, Michigan, South Dakota and Oklahoma were added to the flag. 
The magic number remained 36 stars, the number of states needed to pass the 1 9th amendment to the 
US Constitution. Following the end of World War I, the state legislatures passed the needed resolution 
that ratified the 19th amendment. 

When the 36th state passed ratification, Alice Paul, leader of the radical wing of the movement 
unfurled the "Ratification Flag" with 36 stars in Washington, D.C. 

Individual states like Ohio and Oklahoma used the symbol to their advantage by issuing buttons 
which did not necessarily say suffrage but would play on the patriotism of the state residents. In Ohio 
the "Ohio Next" button refers to the "next star" on the flag. In Oklahoma, where the suffrage question 
was on the ballot at the same time as the question of statehood, a button which said "Oklahoma The 
Next Star" was probably also used by the movement to support its cause. 

With the understanding of the significance of the stars we can now understand that their presence 
was not simply for artistic value but a reminder of where they were in regards to states which had 
secured suffrage, and also how far they had to go to secure suffrage for all women in the United States. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The Origin of the Clarion De 

By Kenneth Florey 

What is probably the most essential and desirable of all designs for suffrage buttons and banners is 
that of the clarion figure, which graces the Clarion newsletter cover of APIC's Woman Suffrage Chapter 

What many collectors do not realize, however, is that the design is ultimately English, and that it 
had a fascinating history before being borrowed by Harriot Stanton Blatch for the Women's Political 
Union. The figure was the creation of Caroline Watts, and was originally titled "The Bugler Girl." It 
was first published by the Artists' Suffrage League to advertise a procession by the National Union of 
Women's Suffrage Societies that took place on June 13,1 908. The Artists' Suffrage League in an article 
in the Manchester Guardian explained the symbolism of the image was that "the Amazon who stands on 
the battlements of the fort may be said to be heralding the new day of which the sun is just seen rising." 

The National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) was formally constituted in England 
on October 14, 1897. The intent was to bring together under one organization the various district 
organizations that had made women's suffrage their sole object in Parliamentary elections. Its official 
colors were red, green, and white, which were reflected in the 1908 Bugler Girl poster While not as 
well known today, NUWSS actually had more members than the Women's Social and Political Union, 
founded in part by Emmeline Pankhurst. Although NUWSS and the WSPU did share a common pur- 
pose and occasionally worked together, there was generally distrust and sometimes acrimony between 
the two suffrage societies. NUWSS was the more conservative of the two groups, and its leadership 
believed that the militant acts of Pankhurst's followers were hurting not helping the cause of woman's 

The Artists' Suffrage League, of which Caroline Watts was a member, was formed in January of 
1907 to assist the NUWSS in a demonstration in that year that was later termed the "Mud March." The 
league consisted of a group of professional women artists who uti- 
lized their talents for the NUWSS by designing posters, post cards, 
and other ephemera. Unlike the members of a comparable group, 
the Suffrage Atelier, league artists never received any income from 
the sale of their works. 

Watt's design, while used for several other NUWSS events, was 
not without its controversy within the organization. The image of 
the militant woman was more in keeping with the activities and phi- 
losophy of Pankhurst's WSPU than that of the non-confrontational 
NUWSS, and several officers of the NUWSS were inclined to 
repress the design. In 1913, Maud Royden, the editor of the 
NUWSS's official paper, the Common Cause, decided to abandon 
the image for that very reason, but she was overruled by the govern- 
ing council of the organization. 

/ 0 Star Pennant 

10 Star 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

In the November 1913 issue of the Common Cause, the Council glossed Watt's design with a quotation from one of 
Elizabeth Barrett Browning's poems, "Now press the clarion to thy woman's lip," resulting in another term for the image, that 
of the clarion figure. One Council member, sensitive to the organization's stance against militant acts, called the image instead a 
reflection of "constitutional militancy." She further went on to argue: "Does she represent Joan of Arc? No — except as far as 
Joan of Arc herself embodies for women the spirit of courage and love. . . Our Bugler Girl carries her bugle and her banner; her 
sword is sheathed by her side; it is there, but not drawn, and if it were drawn, it would not be the sword of the flesh, but of 
the spirit. For ours is not a warfare against men, but against evil; a war in which women and men fight together . . .We are mili- 
tant in the sense that the Christian Church is militant. . . We are against wrong, but we inflict none." 

When Harriot Stanton Blatch, the daughter of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, returned to the United States in 1902 from England 
after approximately a twenty-year absence, she felt the need to reinvigorate the American suffrage movement, which appeared 
to many to have become tired after a lack of major successes. She formed in 1 907 the Equality League of Self-Supporting 
Women, which later became the Women's Political Union, an organization that merged with Alice Paul's Congressional Union in 
1915. Although no longer in England, Blatch followed the activities of various suffrage 
organizations in that country with considerable interest and was impressed especially by 
those that were confrontational. Her WPU was based largely on Emmeline Pankhurst's 
WSPU, modifying not only its name in her own organization, but borrowing its official 
colors of purple, green, and white, and one of its slogans, "Deeds Not Words." Yet she 
saw in the iconography of Pankhurt's rival organization, the NUWSS, a figure that she had 
to adopt, that of Caroline Watt's Bugler Girl. Watt's image was modified, her colors 
changed from red, green, and white to purple, green, and white, and was placed not only 
on posters, but on at least six different celluloid buttons, as well as on stationery and post 
cards. The Bugler Girl or the Clarion even appeared on the front cover of a piece of 
sheet music entitled "Marching on to Victory," by Schuyler Greene and Otto Motzan. 

In adapting the Clarion figure, Blatch was not at all apprehensive about the militancy 
that the image portended. Rather, it was in keeping with her own philosophy, a philoso- 
phy that at times was at odds with the more traditional National American Woman 
Suffrage Association. And while American collectors tend to see the Clarion figure as one 
of their country's own, it is important to realize that it is one of a series of icons that was 
borrowed from the English movement and also a pivotal piece in the bridge of women's 
rights between the two countries. 

Paper tag 


OTV WTZfirt 

- RaGione non m 

Women's Suffrage 



i:mb.vnkment j o\ «i 
aij)i:rt I. 1 JO 

WatvHoo PIMM. Piccadilly. Knl|{htmbHds«. 

Sheet music 

^Hg note of fcfifotpsfep 
upon a lofii^ pCitu 



The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 




The Keynoter • Summer/Fdll/Winter 2008 

Celebrating 25 years 
of the Woman Suffrage 
and Political Issues Chapter 
of the A.P.I.C 

MAHCH 300: 


I88UK *39 8FiailO 3007 



WlBter 3006 


Looking to join the WSAPIC chapter? 
Need a few tips on how to start a collection? 
Looking for back issues of ^^The Clarion"? 
Complimentary and confidential information on the purchase and sale of 
women's historical material available, all upon request by emailing 

Ronnie Lapinsky Sax, WSAPIC President at: 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

1916: A New Party and a New Plan 

By Robert Cooney 

■\J0TE Fo^ 

vjOTE FO/f 


The election year of 1916 marked the first time that four million women in the eleven equal suf- 
frage states plus Illinois could help choose the next president of the United States. In addition, the 
entire House and one-third of the Senate were up for election. New energy and organization marked 
the state-oriented National American Woman Suffrage Association, and a heightened vitality and spirit 
characterized the Congressional Union in the capital. 

One of Carrie Chapman Catt's first major moves as NAWSA president in early 1916 was to pres- 
sure the Democratic and Republican parties to include woman suffrage in their platforms. She and 
other NAWSA officers also traveled to the non-suffrage states to strengthen organizations and 
encourage cooperation with national, headquarters. Three more referendum campaigns were under- 
way in Iowa, West Virginia, and South Dakota. 

The CU, expanding nationally, laid plans to form an entirely new political party which would have as 
its sole purpose suffrage for women. Continuing its strategy of opposing Democrats as the "party in 
power," the CU, much to NAWSA's chagrin, focused public attention on how the Democrats continued 
to block progress on the Federal amendment. Despite persistent opposition and the growing specter of 
war, members of both suffrage organizations continued working to make women's enfranchisement a 
pressing political issue which neither party could afford to ignore. 

Believing that suffragists' strength lay with enfranchised women of the western states, Alice Paul 
proposed that the Congressional Union help voting women organize an independent political party 
with the potential of becoming a determining factor in the upcoming election. 

To recruit delegates for the new party, the CU sent two dozen envoys west in early April 1916 aboard a gaily decorated 
railroad car they named 'The Suffrage Special." The envoys included Lucy Burns, Harriot Blatch (now "National Political 
Chairman"), Alva Belmont, Abby Scott Baker, and other experienced and persuasive speakers. During the well-organized four 
week tour the women addressed large and enthusiastic crowds in many of the principal cities and created considerable interest 
in a new political party. 

Throughout the year the CU kept drawing politicians' attention to the potential power of the four million women voters in 
the equal suffrage states. Alice Paul had hoped that the very suggestion of women voting as a block would force action by politi- 
cians in the capital, but more was needed. 

The Congressional Union had worked for two years to expand nationally and by April 1916 had branches in 26 states. With 
greater resources following the merger with Harriot Blatch's Women's Political Union, Alice Paul and the CU made bolder plans. 

On May I I , after the four week tour by The Suffrage Special, western women voters gathered for a convention in Salt 
Lake City, Utah. There they selected delegates to a June convention in Chicago to form the new political party. They also chose 
three women to act as "emissaries" to politicians and supporters in the east. Returning on The Suffrage Special, the emissaries 
received a triumphal welcome in Washington D.C. on May 16. A beautiful procession of white-clad suffragists wearing purple, 
white, and gold sashes and carrying tricolor flags accompanied the representatives to the Capitol. The Senate recessed and 
nearly 1 00 congressmen heard the women voters' message and the repeated demand for the Federal amendment. 



The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Wintpr 2008 


A grueling schedule drove several suffrage organizers to exhaustion during the 
Congressional Union's 1916 campaign in the West, but their message was heard by a substantial 
number of voters. Angry Democrats and hostile audiences, hov^ever, made the going rough in 
some areas. The women also faced accusations of being "fronts" for the Republicans. 

Democrats in Arizona hired messenger boys to "counter-picket" and in Denver Elsie Hill 
was arrested for distributing "anti-Democratic" literature. The suffragists were pressured to 
withdraw but Alice Paul remained steadfast. "We must make this such an important thing in 
national elections that the Democrats will not want to meet it again." 

Holding the majority party, the "party in power," responsible for legislative progress contin- 
ued to be one of the most divisive issues separating NAWSA and the CU. NAWSA members 
were particularly outraged when long-standing allies were targeted for defeat just because they 
were Democrats. But the CU pointed out that any man would still have to represent his pro- 
suffrage constituents. 

While the strategy's merits were clear to politically-minded women like Harriot Blatch, 
Maud Younger, and Alice Paul, it made few friends among mainstream suffragists. Staunch oppo- 
nents included Alice Stone Blackweli, Carrie Catt, and Nevada suffragist Bird Wilson who 
remarked, "It may be politics, but I don't think it's good politics." 

Much to their surprise, many western Democrats who thought that "suffrage wasn't an 
issue" in the 1916 campaign were forced by Congressional Union and Woman's Party activists to 
repeatedly explain and defend their party's position. Democratic loyalists, both male and female, 
deeply resented the "interference" of the suffragists and tried to counter their accusations with 
literature and speakers who emphasized Wilson's support of suffrage on a state- by-state basis. 

Towards the end of the close contest, resentments boiled over into violence. On October 
19, one hundred members of the Woman's Party staged a silent protest outside the Chicago 
auditorium where President Wilson was making a speech. A mob of men gathered and suddenly 
attacked the women, knocking several down, tearing their banners and clothing, seizing their 
signs and trampling them in what newspapers the next day called a "near riot." 

Alice Paul condemned "the violent attack by Democrats" and chimed that it showed "the 
seriousness with which they take our campaign." The violence further publicized the suffragists' 
efforts and caused many to join the new Woman's Party. 

The climax of the drive came at a mass rally on November 5, just before the election, when 
Harriot Blatch called up a series of twelve mass meetings by long distance telephone from the 
stage of Chicago's Blackstone Theater and issued a final appeal to western voters. 

The full effect of the suffragists' campaign will never be known, but Wilson won 
only 57 electoral votes from suffrage states as opposed to 69 in 191 2. The Woman's 
Party claimed success since suffrage had been forcefully raised as an issue in the elec- 
tion, politicians had taken note, and women voters had gained new respect as a political 
force. 'Again many women had stood together on this issue;" observed Doris Stevens, 
"and put woman suffrage first." 



r ,:: WS Si WOMEN J 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Campaigning against the Democratic Party, the eloquent and beautiful Inez Milholland Boissevain acted as "flying envoy" 
to tie together the Congressional Union's efforts in the twelve states where women could vote for president. Despite being 
in poor health, the thirty-year-old attorney kept up a grueling pace, speaking in eight states in three weeks during her whirl- 
wind tour. Late in October 1916 she collapsed on a Los Angeles stage after reportedly asking one last time, "President 
Wilson, how long must women wait for liberty?" 

The Los Angeles Times reported, "It was a dramatic scene. A moment before, this remarkable woman, the charms of 
whose personality have not been exaggerated, held the great audience with the fire and emotion of her oratory. In the mid- 
dle of an intense sentence she crumpled up like a wilted white rose and lay stark upon the platform, while one of those elo- 
quent silences befell the expectant crowd." 

Suffering from exhaustion and undiagnosed anemia, Boissevain lay ill for a month and then died on November 25. Her 
sacrifice. The Suffragist editorialized, "illustrates the waste of life and power that the cruel and bigoted opposition to the 
political freedom of women is costing the nation. With the nation in sore need of women's help, this long struggle for the 
power to help it is arousing the deepest resentment and indignation in every independent woman throughout the country." 
Inez Milholland Boissevain's death "has fanned that resentment into a burning flame." 

Suffragists waged three state campaigns in 1916, the first coming to a vote in Iowa at a special election on June 5, 1916. 
After the legislature placed the measure on the ballot, Iowa activists waged a vigorous campaign, sending speakers and auto- 
mobile tours across the state. The Iowa Equal Suffrage Association under president Flora Dunlap organized in every one of 
the ninety counties and an active Men's League grew to include branches in forty cities. Carrie Catt gave six weeks of her 
time and workers distributed over five million circulars. Anti-suffragists countered with literature and speakers of their own, 
particularly in the final weeks. Election results were delayed for several days before it was announced that the measure had 
been defeated by just over 10,000 votes, 173,024 to 162,683. Supporters more than suspected foul play but realized that it 
would be futile to contest the vote. Instead they began preparing for another campaign. 

The Iowa defeat in June was a discouraging reminder of the difficulty, if not the impossibility, of the state-by-state route 
to suffrage. Still, two more state campaigns were focused on the November 7, 1916 election. 

After the West Virginia legislature placed the measure on the ballot, a ten month drive was led by Lenna Lowe Yost, 
president of the state Equal Suffrage Association. The campaign received considerable aid from NAWSA as well as from 
other states, and welcomed speakers including Desha Breckinridge from Kentucky, Pattie Ruffner Jacobs from Alabama, and 
Minnie Fisher Cunningham from Texas. Opponents played up racial anxieties and resentment over prohibition, which had 
passed the previous year, and the suffrage measure was overwhelmingly defeated by a vote of 1 6 1 ,607 to 63,540. 


liJIllllim mil TICALLNIO^ ^ 

Pencils 7-1/2" - Shown reduced. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


In South Dakota the ongoing drive for enfranchisement was led again by Mary Shields Pyle, presi- 
dent of the state association. Suffragists covered the state in a familiar but exhausting pattern trying JEANNETTE 
to convince enough men of the justice of their demand. NAWSA provided substantial assistance 
which helped counter the open campaign waged by opponents. The result was a close contest but 
the measure was defeated for a fifth time, 58,350 to 53,432, by less than 5,000 votes. Heartened by 
the close race, South Dakota suffragists prepared for one more campaign. Similarly, women in other 
unenfranchised states continued their long efforts. 

The most unexpected result of the 1916 contest, however, was the election of the first woman to Congress in U.S. his- 
tory. She was suffragist Jeannette Rankin from Montana. Rankin had run a well-organized campaign that capitalized on her 
visibility and on women's support just two years after they had won suffrage in the state. The former NAWSA organizer 
was suddenly thrust into the national spotlight. 

The war was more a deciding factor in the election than suffrage, but the well-publicized campaign against Democrats 
in the west succeeded in sending chills through many politicians in Washington D.C. who became increasingly concerned 
about the potential power of organized women voters. 

1916: Taking the Republicans by Storm in Chicago 

Following the founding convention for the Woman's Party, thousands of members of NAWSA gathered in Chicago to 
demonstrate at the Republican Convention for a platform plank endorsing woman suffrage. NAWSA organizers planned an 
elaborate parade to impress delegates and for months had been recruiting women to march. 

On Wednesday afternoon, June 7, 1916, in a cold, pelting rain, more than 5,500 suffragists paraded down Michigan 
Avenue led by two "GOP" elephants, Jennie and her nine-month-old son Chinchin, wearing rubber blankets. Marchers were 
organized by state, club, ward, and precinct. Many wore yellow raincoats because of the heavy downpour The parade also 
included two dozen marching bands, the Women's Liberty Bell from Pennsylvania, and a large wooden "Suffrage Plank" as a 
"gentle hint." 

High and dry in their hotel rooms, delegates from around the country looked down on the hour-long parade of thou- 
sands of women marching in the rain. 

Calling it a "show of strength as well as a plea for justice," Mary Peck noted that there was also something profoundly 
moving about the spectacle, "Many a man turned away from it with a lump in his throat and shame in his heart." 

The successful demonstration culminated when wave after wave of wet but triumphant marchers reached the conven- 
tion hall. There they dramatically burst into a meeting of the Resolutions Committee just as an antisuffrage speaker was 
claiming that women did not want to vote. The speaker looked up aghast, quickly finished, and then fled as exuberant 
paraders filled the room. 



The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

1916: Theatrical Tactics Bring Suffrage Message to 

A week after the parade in Chicago, suffragists gathered in St. Louis, Missouri, to pressure the Democratic National 
Convention to adopt a suffrage plank as well. NAWSA staged a demonstration for the Democrats that The Woman Voter 
called "the most beautiful of any ever made by suffragists." 

On June 14, the opening day of the convention. Democratic delegates were greeted by a remarkable protest, a "walk- 
less parade" called The Golden Lane, devised by state publicity chair Emily Newell Blair 8,000 suffragists of all ages, dressed 
in white with gold sashes and carrying yellow Votes for Women parasols, stood side-by-side along the curb on both sides of 
the main thoroughfare for nearly a mile. For two hours they formed a brilliant but silent lane through which the delegates 
had to pass to get to the Convention Center. 

The Democrats, like the Republicans, refused to back the Federal amendment and instead passed a plank that 
endorsed suffrage by state means only. Still, these conditional endorsements put both parties on record for the first time as 
supporting votes for women. The press regarded the Democratic plank as a great achievement for the suffrage forces, and 
the St. Louis Globe-Democrat even took to verse: 

Citizen and Democrat, Marching down the Golden Lane 
'Neath the eyes of Mrs. Catt, Marching down the Golden Lane, 
Marching out to nominate Wilson for their candidate - 
How the Democrats did hate Marching down the Golden Lane! 

Concerned about the upcoming election and the publicity-generating activity of the new Woman's Party, Carrie Catt 
called an Emergency Convention of NAWSA for early September and invited both presidential candidates to address the 
Atlantic City meeting. Republican Charles Evans Hughes, who announced that he backed the Federal amendment, sent his 
regrets but President Woodrow Wilson accepted. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Images of the Woman's Suffrage 

By William Kirsner 

The ephemera that has survived from the Woman's Suffrage 
Movement and those fighting against suffrage, buttons, ribbons, post- 
cards, posters and other similar objects, contain the images and slo- 
gans of those movements. Both the supporters and opponents of 
suffrage expressed their hopes and fears in the objects they pro- 
duced and used. The images on these artifacts reflect a pictoral 
dichotomy. The women's suffragist movement presented two visual- 
ly different images of themselves and their present and future goals. 
Although there were two types of images used, both convey the 
same message: that the vote was a means to make women better in 
their already established sphere of housewife and mother The anti- 
suffrage postcards and buttons attempted to provide a glimpse into a 
future in which women had the right to vote. They pictorialized a 
world in which there had been a revolution that changed the tradi- 
tional roles of men and women. 

In one group of items, suffragists were characterized as lovely 
flowing women with outstretched arms. This imagery, frequently 
using images of an idyllic mother, was used to combat the fears that 
with the vote, women would leave their traditional role as mother 
and housewife. One postcard pictures a motherly figure guiding her 
ship through the dangerous straights lined with "sweated labour" and 
"white slave traffic." "The Scylla and Charybois of the Working 
Women" presented a real threat to the woman in the boat, yet, she 

was given no visual means of protection for herself, and in turn, her family and home were 
at risk. 

The suffragists presented the vote as the protection needed to assure women security 
in their lives. "The Dirty Pool of Politics" postcard demonstrated how women, with the 
right to vote, which is depicted as a shovel labeled "Ballot," could clean up the graft, white 
slavery, bribery, and food adulteration which existed in American Society. Although the 
dress of the woman had changed, she was no longer an idyllic mother, she was now able to 
protect her family with the vote. The postcard presented the argument that society had 
changed and that a woman could no longer adequately provide a secure home for her fami- 
ly without the vote. Jane Addams said in 1 909 that: 

". . . If the street is not cleaned by the city authorities no amount of private sweeping 
will keep the tenement free from grime; if the garbage is not properly collected and 
destroyed a tenement house mother may see her children sicken and die of diseases from 
which she alone is powerless to shield them, although her tenderness and devotion are 
unbounded. . . If women would effectively continue their old avocations they must take part 
in the slow upbuilding of that code of legislation which is alone sufficient to protect the 
home from the dangers incident to modern life." 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 




It was with the ballot that 
women would be able to carry out 
their duties to their homes and 
families. The suffragist postcard is 
visually pointing out that with the 
right to vote, women would more 
effectively solve the problems fac- 
ing their homes. 

There are very few pieces of 
memorabilia in which the pro-suf- 
fragist movement portrays the 
vote as a means to break free 
from oppression. One rare button 
in the Smithsonian does depict a 
woman breaking free. Although 
these rare pins may be an ade- 
quate representation of the true 
spirit of the National Woman's 
Party, the mass production of 

items which expressed this sentiment would work against their cause. Suffragists "correctly perceived that demanding the 
vote to achieve 'equality' would never bring them their desired goal. Only if the drive were couched in terms of making the 
vote a necessary tool for carrying out competently woman's role in her 'proper sphere' would suffrage become a reality." 
Many men feared that women were interested in taking over traditionally male roles in society. Thus, material that 
expressed a break from the old roles could by viewed by men as supporting a perceived threat to their established role in 

The suffragists were put in the position of justifying their goals as a means to protect their homes and not as a way of 

replacing the male as legislator. The issue of white slavery, for 
instance, was used to demonstrate the threats to the home. When 
w- ^ wtn MM^^ women cleaned up the specter of prostitution, they would be 

^J^J\«I^^ Ir I T^^l^FJu fulfilling their role as protector 

W ^ 1\ / // r^mW "Frances Willard extended her campaign against liquor to 

encompass prostitution because she recognized that men's right to 
transmit venereal disease to their wives, made a mockery of 
women's alleged ascendancy in the home. Prostitution, then, rep- 
resented not only a physical threat of infection but also a man's 
license, because of a sexual double standard, to inflict that threat on 
his wife . . ." The banner with the words "Votes for Women" per- 
haps best depicts the image that women were trying to get out to 
the public. The poster shows a lovely motherly figure in a flowing 
gown with her arms outstretched toward the U.S. Capitol. There 
is a sun rising, perhaps symbolizing the dawn of a new progressive 
era upon the nation and its legislation. This is all conveyed in a 
manner which poses no threat to the male role in society. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Vote No On Suffrage 

The antisuffragists used postcards and buttons as a tool to 
help defeat the suffragist movement by establishing or enforcing 
certain stereotypes. There were two common types of imagery 
used, both of which depicted a role reversal in which men seemed 
to lose power as the head of household. In many postcards, "the 
man is left at home alone to care for his child while the wife goes 
out. Where the wife is going is answered in the postcard entitled 
"Where, Oh where is my wandering wife tonight?" The question 
is answered in the drawing of women at a meeting whose pur- 
pose is stated as "Let the women run the Government." 

Similarly, a cartoon postcard depicts a father at home with a 
crying child on election day while his wife goes to vote in all her 

The antisuffragists were expressing their fear that the result 
of the ballot being given to women was that men would be forced 
to stay at home to care for the children while women took con- 
trol of the government. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The question as to "What Will Men Wear When Women Wear 
[the pants]" expresses the real fear of a shift in the male and female 
roles in society. This fear was also expressed in a button which 
reads, with miniature pants attached, "Who shall wear them, you or 
1." The antisuffragists evidentially believed that it was not possible for 
both men and women to wear the pants in the family. It was one 
group or the other, and in the mind of the antisuffragists, the vote 
would radically change the established male position. 

The suffragists attempted to discourage this viewpoint through 
their paraphernalia. The NAWSA banner carried in a 1916 parade in 
Chicago before the Republican convention read "For the Safety of the 
Nation/To the Women Give the Vote/For the hand that Rocks the 
CradleA/Vill Never Rock the Boat!" Despite this statement from the 
Suffragists, the antisuffragists came back on a postcard with unflatter- 
ing depictions of a suffragette shouting "The hand that rocks the cra- 
dle rules the world and it is WE who rock the cradle." 

Although it is impossible to measure the effects that these posi- 
tive and negative representations had on the eventual outcome, both 
sides found them useful enough to produce a plethora of material to 
disseminate their viewpoints. The suffragists and the antisuffragists 
thus used these objects as a form to disseminate images that reflected 
their hopes and fears about the future 

While the suffrage movement was ultimately successful, the use 
of their idealized images came at a cost. The use of idyllic images of 
women as mothers and home bodies may have been partially respon- 
sible for the perpetuation of that image. Women got the vote, and 
then as they promised in their images, to a large degree, retreated 
back into the home, to wait until the next generation would again 
reexamine the image and role of women in society. 





Postcards shown reduced. 

Oh! You Suffragette! 

©1 © 

yOt/ know its not the vote you want 

But something else that itches. 
Not satisfied with your own "pants" 
You want to wear our britches. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 





i TO S 

Razor Blade cover. 

These four ^//^ 

SWtv^ p/eces come 
/n both color 

and b/ack F 
and vvb/te. dp 


Inflated I 
Here ^ 


Referencing Amelia Bloomer and 
women wearing pants. 


Woman Suffrage 



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Binding Up The Wounds - 
Suffragists In World War I 

When the United States entered World War I the United States Army Nurse Corps had a grand total of 400 nurses, 
while the Navy had 1 50. When the war ended 2 1 ,480 nurses served with the Army Nurse Corps and 1 ,500 in the Navy. 
Yet, even before the United States entered the war, the need for nurses was quite demanding from our future allies. France 
had traditionally relied on nuns to serve the wounded. However, quarrels between church and state left the military almost 
completely without nurses at the outbreak of hostilities. The same was true for Serbia and Russia. To fill the void nurses 
from the United States and Great Britain volunteered for front line duty. 

Throughout the war they served with honor Some were wounded. They fought all the hardships that the men in the 
trenches fought - fatigue, dirt and disease. Nurses were trained to change the bandages of wounded soldiers twice a day. 
The nurses, some as young as 2 1 , endured working in so-called "hospitals" without proper supplies or sanitary facilities. 
To help the war effort, American Suffragists and British Suffragettes raised funds and sent nurses and hospital supplies to 
Europe. The American units were the "Women's Oversea Hospitals, U.S.A." The British units were operated as the 
Scottish Women's Hospitals. 

At the 1917 National Suffrage Association Convention the organization voted to support a hospital unit in France and 
undertook to raise $125,000 for its maintenance for one yean Since the US Government did not accept women in its 
Medical Reserve Corps, the unit was offered to the French Government. The first volunteers sailed on February 17, 1918 
and before they could set up shop behind the lines were instructed to proceed to the war zone. Half of the unit was then 
sent to the south of France to aid refugees. Due to these extraordinary women, another unit was formed to organize a 
300-bed hospital for gas cases. The hospital, established in Lorraine, cared for 19,037 cases in three months. 

With the armistice signed, these women stayed on to help repatriate Allied prisoners of war in Germany. A grand total 
of seventy-four women served in France. Three obtained the Croix de Guerre and two were decorated with the Medaille 
d'Honneur. A total of $ I 78,000 had been raised and helped purchase a number of trucks and ambulances. These valiant 
women continued to work in France and Germany until September 1 , 1919. On that day the hospital at Rheims and all its 
equipment was turned over to the American Fund for French Wounded. The equipment at the smaller hospitals was turned 
over to the French Government. 

When Dr. Caroline Finley returned to the US, she was honored by the Prince of Wales, who conferred on her the 
Order of the British Empire in recognition of her work near Metz, where British prisoners were cared for on their arrival 
from Germany. 

As women aided the war effort they realized that they would not have to abandon the cause of suffrage until the end 
of the war Many desks at the state headquarters may have been empty because of this commitment but the spirit of full 
suffrage remained with the volunteers. Most of the volunteers believed that by serving their country during war they were 
also serving their cause and proved that they could be as brave as any man and serve in any stricken region in the world. 
They were right. 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Harriet May Mills (I8S7-I93S) 

By Hilda R. Watrous 

Harriet May Mills, born in Syracuse, NY in 1 857, was a prominent leader in the struggle for political equality for women, both 
In New York State, where she helped to build one of the largest suffrage organizations in the country; and nationally. A tireless trav- 
eler and public speaker in support of the enfranchisement of women, she traveled and organized all over New York State, and was 
called to help lead suffrage campaigns in California, Michigan, Ohio and other states. She testified before Congress and frequently 
addressed national suffrage conventions. Both a gifted speaker and an effective organizer, Mills was a friend and respected associate 
of the leading suffragists of the day - Lucy Stone, Susan B. Anthony, Carrie Chapman Catt and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. 

Harriet May Mills came from a family of prominent abolitionists, and she graduated from Cornell University, having entered the 
school just two years after it first opened its doors to women. Mills never married, dedicating her life to the cause of suffrage and 
earning an independent living first as a teacher, then as a paid statewide organizer and finally in appointed positions she received in 
recognition of her work on behalf of the New York Democratic Party. 

Following the ratification in 1 920 of the 1 9th amendment to the Constitution extending the vote to women, Harriet May Mills 
turned her considerable political experience and organizing energies to the need to bring women into the mainstream of American 
political life. That year she was herself a candidate for statewide elective office, running for secretary of state on an unsuccessful 
ticket with Alfred E. Smith, candidate for reelection as governor She continued to be active in the Democratic Party, supporting 
Smith when he successfully campaigned for governor in 1 922 and in later years, and for the presidency in 1 924. 

She became acquainted with Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt, and she and Eleanor worked together in state party politics. In 
1 928 Mills accompanied Franklin while he toured the state campaigning for governor, joining him on the speakers' platform particu- 
larly to address women voters. At the age of 75, she was a member of the Electoral College that sent Franklin D. Roosevelt to the 
White House in 1933, and an honored guest at his inauguration. 

She also found time to involve herself in other civic and political causes of her day. In 1919 she had founded the Onondaga 
County Women's Democratic 
Club, the first such organization 
in the state; and served as its 
president for 1 6 years. In 1923, 
she was appointed the first 
female State Hospital 
Commissioner, concerning her- 
self primarily with the problems 
of the mentally ill. Mills died in 
Syracuse on May 1 6, 1 935, after 
a period of illness. 

This article, is a reprint 
from the Harriet May Mills 
Website. Additional information 
on the Harriet May Mills House, 
the original 1 8 page biography, 
written by Hilda R Watrous, etc. 
can be found on : 


fin inou cmtm 




IflUErS CL118S 


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Badges worn by Harriet May Mills. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 



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Original pen & ink drawing. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


Who's Who in Women's Suffrage 

Susan B. Anthony 

Susan B. Anthony (1820-1906). While Elizabeth Cady Stanton 
functioned as the philosophical soul of the suffrage movement, 
Anthony was its tactical leader. Anthony often elevated Stanton 
to the role as president of suffrage organizations, knowing 
Stanton's powerful persuasive abilities would better serve the 
cause. Thus, Anthony was often the vice-president or secretary 
to Stanton's presidency, not assuming the presidential role her- 
self until 1892 when she assumed the presidency of NAWSA 
after Stanton's retirement. Her career as spokesperson and 
leader of the women's rights movement spanned 56 years. 
Originally, she spoke to temperance issues but eventually began 
mobilizing women to rally on their own behalf. Along with 
Stanton, Matilda Joslyn Gage and Ida Harper, she published 4 
volumes of The History of Woman Suffrage. One of her most 
powerful symbolic actions occurred in 1872 when she voted in 
the national elections. During her 1873 so-called trial, after she 
was found guilty, she responded to the judge's question if she 
had anything to say prior to sentencing: "In your ordered ver- 
dict of guilty you have trampled under foot every vital principle 
of our government. My natural rights, my civil rights, my political rights, my judicial 
rights, are all alike ignored. Robbed of the fundamental privilege of citizenship, I am 
degraded from the status of a citizen to that of a subject; and not only myself individ- 
ually but all of my sex are, by your honor's verdict, doomed to political subjection 
under this so-called Republican government." 

Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1815-1902). Stanton, along with Anthony, functioned as 
the backbone of the suffrage movement for decades. She summarized her philosophi- 
cal foundation for the movement, and generally for the ideal of liberal citizenship, in 
her 1892 farewell address to the movement, "The Solitude of Self." Originally work- 
ing in the temperance and abolition movements, she felt the compulsion to work for 
women's rights when in 1 840 the World Anti-Slavery society refused to seat women 
delegates at its London meeting. There, she and Lucretia Coffin Mott began planning 
the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention, at which the Declaration of Sentiments (which she 
authored with 4 other women) was read, cataloguing women's grievances. She was a 
founder and president of NWSA ( 1 869- 1 890), president of the merged NAWSA 
( 1 890- 1 892) and was the first woman to run for the US Congress, in 1 866. In her 
1892 "Solitude of Self" speech, she makes clear women's need for independence: 
"Whatever the theories may be of woman's dependence on man, in the supreme 
moments of her life, he cannot bear her burdens. Alone she goes to the gates of 
death to give life to every man that is born into the world; no one can share her 
fears, no one can mitigate her pangs; and if her sorrow is greater than she can bear, 
alone she passes beyond the gates into the vast unknown." 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Carrie Chapman Catt ( 1 859- 1 947) Carrie Clinton Lane trained as a teacher, 
briefly studied law, and graduated from Iowa State College. She married news- 
paper editor and publisher Leo Chapman, but in 1885, just after moving to 
California, he died, leaving his new wife to make her own way. She soon 
joined the woman suffrage movement as a lecturer, moved back to Iowa 
where joined the Iowa Woman Suffrage Association, and in 1890 was a dele- 
gate at the newly formed National American Woman Suffrage Association. In 
1890 she married wealthy engineer George W. Catt, who supported her 
efforts in support of woman's suffrage. Her effective organizing work brought 
her quickly into the inner circles of the suffrage movement. Carrie Chapman 
Catt became head of field organizing for the National American Woman 
Suffrage Association in 1895 and in 1900, having earned the trust of the lead- 
ers of that organization, including Susan B. Anthony, was elected to succeed 
Anthony as President. Four years later Catt resigned the presidency to care 
for her husband, who died in 1905. Rev. Anna Shaw then served as NAWSA 
president. Carrie Chapman Catt was a founder and president of the 
International Woman Suffrage Association, serving from 1904 to 1923 and was 
until her death its honorary president. In 1915 Catt was re-elected to the presidency of the NAWSA, and led the organiza- 
tion in fighting for suffrage laws at both the state and federal level. She opposed the efforts of the newly-active Alice Paul to 
hold Democrats in office responsible for the failure of woman suffrage laws, and to work only at the federal level for a con- 
stitutional amendment. This split resulted in Paul's faction leaving the NAWSA and forming the Congressional Union, later 
the Woman's Party. Her leadership was key in the final passage of the 1 9th Amendment in 1 920: without the state reforms - 
- an increased number of states in which women could vote in primary elections and regular elections — the 1 920 victory 
could not have been won. 

Carrie Chapman Catt was also one of the founders of the Women's Peace Party during World War I, and helped to 
organize the League of Women Voters after the passage of the 1 9th Amendment. 

Alice Paul (1885-1977) Alice Paul, raised as a Quaker, attended Swarthmore 
College, and the New York School of Social Work. Paul left for England in 1906 to 
continue her studies. She returned to get her Ph.D. from the University of 
Pennsylvania (1912). 

In England, Alice Paul took part in more radical protests for woman suffrage with 
Emmeline Pankhurst, including participating in the hunger strikes. She brought back 
this sense of militancy, and back in the U.S. she organized protests and rallies and 
ended up imprisoned three times. 

Alice Paul was chair of the congressional committee of the National American 
Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) while still in her mid-twen- 
ties, but a year later (1913) Paul and others withdrew from the /^fOH^ 
NAWSA to form the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage. ' 
This organization evolved into the National Woman's Party in 1 9 1 7. 

Despite the often strong acrimony between the National ^ 
Woman's Party and the National American Woman Suffrage ' y 

Association, it's probably fair to say (in retrospect) that the two 
groups' tactics complemented each other: the NAWSA's taking 
more deliberate action to win suffrage in elections meant that more politicians at the 
federal level had a stake in keeping women voters happy, and the NWP's militant 
stands kept the issue at the forefront of the political world. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Inez Milholland (Boissevain) (1886-1916) remains famous as the beau- 
tiful Joan of Arc-like symbol of the suffrage movement. She appeared dra- 
matically astride a white horse leading more than 8,000 marchers at the 
head of the March 3, 1913, suffrage parade held the day before Woodrow 
Wilson's presidential inauguration in Washington, D.C. In 1916, she went 
on a tour in the West, speaking for women's rights. 

During a speech in Los Angeles that September she suddenly col- 
lapsed. Ten weeks later, on November 25, 1916, she died at the age of 
30. Her last public words were, "Mr. President, how long must women 
wait for liberty?" She was known as the martyr of the woman's suffrage 

Vida Milholland, (1 888-?) New York City, 
daughter of Mr. and Mrs. John E. Milholland 
and sister of Inez Milholland Boissevain. She 
was a student at Vassar College and studied 
singing abroad. Upon the death of her sis- 
ter, she gave up her musical career to work 
full-time for equal suffrage. She was arrest- 
ed July 4, 1917 for picketing and served 
three days in District Jail. In 1919 she 
toured the United States as part of the 
"Prison Special" tour of NWP speakers. She sang at all the meetings. 

Anna Howard Shaw ( 1 847- 1919) Born in England, Anna Shaw came to 
America as a young child. She was educated at Albion College in 
Michigan, Gained a degree at Boston University School of Theology in 
1 878 and earned her M.D. from B.U. in 1 885. She was a confidant of 
Susan B. Anthony in the woman's suffrage movement, leading the 
National American Woman Suffrage Association from 1904 to 1915. She 
was succeeded by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt. She was also active in the 
temperance movement; and served as national superintendent of fran- 
chise for the Woman's Christian Temperance Union 1886-1892. During 
World War I, she was head of the Women's Committee of the United 
States Council of National Defense, for which she became the first 
woman to earn the Distinguished Service Medal. 

Bina West (1867-1954) A 24 year-old school teacher in rural Michigan, West founded the first 
company to specifically provide insurance to women. Previously, most women were unable to 
obtain insurance due to the high mortality risk associated with pregnancy 
and child birth. She was a well known speaker for women's rights in the 
US and Canada, and represented the US National Council of Women at 
the International Council of Women meeting in Geneva, Switzerland in 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Antoinette Brown Blackwell ( 1 825- 1 92 1 ) helped found the New Jersey Woman's Suffrage 
Association in 1867. She was one of a handful of early New Jersey suffragists who voted in the presi- 
dential election of 1920. 

She was born in Henrietta N.Y., on May 20, 1825, and began to speak publicly in the services of 
the local Congregational church at age nine. She was graduated from Oberlin College in 1 847 and 
completed its theological seminary in 1850, though she was not granted her degree. 
(Oberlin later conferred on her an honorary A.M. [Master of Arts], in 1878, and a D.D. [Doctor of 
Divinity], in 1908.) Refused ordination at first because of her sex, she held a Congregationalist pastorate 
in South Butler, N.Y., for four years; she became the first ordained woman minister in the United 

In 1856 she married Samuel C. Blackwell, whose brother, Henry B. Blackwell, had married her 
Oberlin College friend Lucy Stone. Blackwell was active as a speaker and writer for women's rights, 
temperance, abolition of slavery, and other causes. She preached her last sermon when she was 90 
years old, and her last book appeared when she was 93. 

Henry Browne Blackwell (1825 - 1909) was an American advocate for 
social and economic reform. He was one of the founders of the 
Republican Party and the American Woman Suffrage Association. He pub- 
lished Woman's Journal starting in 1870 in Boston, Massachusetts with 
Lucy Stone. 

Lucy Stone (1818-1893). An active women's suffrage and abolition cam- 
paigner, in 1847 she gave her first lecture on women's rights, and the following year she was engaged 
by the Anti-Slavery Society as one of their regular lecturers. She co-founded the AWSA in 1 869. From 
1872, she was a co-editor of The Woman's Journal. 

Katharine Brownlee Sherwood (1841- 1914) graduated from Poland Union Seminary in Ohio. In 
1859, she married Isaac Sherwood. When Sherwood left to serve in the Civil War, Katherine became 
managing editor of the Williams County Gazette in Bryan, Ohio. She used her position to further social 
causes including woman suffrage. She later became a Washington correspondent for a 
newspaper syndicate and served as the first president of the Ohio Newspaper Women's 
Association (1902). 

In 1870, she joined the original Sorosis Club in New York City and in 
1893 became the first president of the Sorosis Club of Canton, Ohio. 
Through this organization she pushed for the rights of women and woman suffrage. In 
1908, to recognize her many efforts, including woman's suffrage, a testimonial was held 
in her honor in Toledo. 

After the war. Brigadier General Sherwood went into politics, and eventually served 
in Congress from 1907-1925. With her husband in Congress, she became active behind 
the scenes as a supporter of the Suffrage Amendment. She used her skills to influence 
Congressmen on the issue. When she died in 1914, Secretary of State William Jennings 
Bryan read at her funeral service, and the pallbearers included eight congressmen. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Lillian Feikert (1877-1945) At twenty-five, she married Edward Foster Feickert, a banker 
The couple moved to Plainfield, New Jersey. In 1910, Edward became Vice President of the 
State Trust Company. Lillian had joined the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) 
and the New Jersey Woman Suffrage Association (NJWSA). In 1910, Lillian was appointed 
enrollment chair of the NJWSA and became a public figure for the first time. 
She was indefatigable, supervising house visits, meetings and the mass distribution of suffrage 
literature. In two years, the association grew from a few hundred to 1 ,200 members. In 1912, 
Lillian became the president of the NJWSA. By 1920, the NJWSA had grown to 120,000 

Early in 1920, the vice-chairman of the Republican State Committee tapped Lillian to 
organize Republican women in the state. Years later, Feickert said that her acceptance of the 
vice-chairmanship of the State Committee was part of a bargain she had struck with Edward 
C. Stokes, Republican chairman and former governor. By May 1 92 1 , this "bargain" resulted in 
the passage by the Republican-dominated legislature of several bills that advanced women's 
political and legal status. 

In 1 928, she ran unsuccessfully as a pro-Prohibition Republican candidate for the United 
States Senate. 

Sarah Moore Grimke (I 792 - 1873) wrote Letters on the Equality of the Sexes and the 
Condition of Woman in 1 838, one of the first essays by an American on the subject. 

Anna E. Dickinson (1842-1932) As a Quaker, her early public advocacy consisted of aboli- 
tion work. She spoke at many small meetings, but her career as a speaker took off during the 
1863 election campaigns, which would determine which states would be governed by those 
who supported the federal government's war policies. She would speak in later campaigns, 
and her success would earn her an invitation to speak in the House of Representatives to 
members of Congress and their guests. She was introduced by Vice-President Hannibal 
Hamlin as a Joan of Arc sent by Providence to save the nation. Once the Civil War was over, 
Dickinson's speaking shifted from the political stump to the lyceum circuit. By 1872, she was 
known as the "Queen of the Lyceum" and was grossing over $20,000 a year, an amount best- 
ed only by two other male lecturers (at this time, the President's salary was only $25,000. It 
is this fact that gives her distinction: she was the first women to achieve financial success as a 
public speaker. Her speaking ended in the mid- 1 870s as she opposed monopoly capitalism 
and criticized the growing trade-union movement, as well as opposing Grant's re-nomination 
for the presidency. 

Mary Wollstonecraft ( I 759- 1 797) was a British author whose 1 792 book, A ^/indication of 
the Rights of Women, was one of the first to claim that women should have equality with 
men. Her daughter wrote the famous horror novel Frankenstein in 1818. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Julia Ward Howe (1819 - 1910) was a prominent American abolitionist, social activist, and poet 
most famous as the author of "The Battle Hymn of the Republic." 

Frances Willard ( 1 839- 1 898) organized both a national and an 
nternational temperance union in the late I800's. She was an 
advocate of women's suffrage, and her statue represents Illinois 
in the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. 

Phoebe Ann Coffin Hanaford ( 1 829 - 1 92 1 ) was a close friend of Susan B Anthony, Elizabeth 
Cady Stanton and Julia Ward Howe. She was a cousin of Lucretia Coffin Mott, and spoke from 
the pulpit alongside Mary Wright Sewell and Olympia Brown. Phoebe Hanaford officiated at the 
funeral services for Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B Anthony. Hanaford knew them both 
well. One of the nation's first female ministers, an author, feminist, and Nantucket native, 
Hanaford was intimately involved in the women's rights campaign for nearly the entire span of 
the seventy year movement. 

Lillie Devereaux Blake (1835-1913). A reformer, author, journalist, and lecturer, Blake is not 
well-remembered, as the recent book Lillie Devereux Blake: Rediscovering a Life Erased (2002, 
by Grace Farrell) bemoans. She was a central figure in trying to open the doors of Columbia 
University to women, and also played a vital role in the unification of the AWSA and NWSA into 
the NAWSA. 

Lucretia Coffin Mott (1793 - 1880) was an American Quaker minister, abolitionist, social 
reformer and proponent of women's rights. She is credited as the first American "feminist" in the 
early 1800s but was, more accurately, the initiator of women's political advocacy. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fali/Winter 2008 


Mary Livermore ( 1 820- 1 905). On February 11,1 869, she called to order the first women's suf- 
frage meeting ever held in Chicago, the Chicago Woman Suffrage Convention. In addition to work- 
ing for suffrage, she also was a Sanitary Commission organizer and hospital worker, writer, 
reporter, editor (from 1 868- 1 870 of The Agitator, the first feminist journal and from 1 870- 1 872 she 
co-edited The Woman's Journal). 

A founding member of the American Woman Suffrage Association, Livermore was president of 
the organization between 1 875 and 1 878. Livermore was also one of the leaders of the Women's 
Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) and, like so many other suffrage activists, also was active in 
abolition movements. 

Harriet Beecher Stowe (181 I - 1 896). Most famous for authoring Uncle Tom's Cabin. When Stowe 
met President Lincoln in 1862, he is said to have exclaimed, "So you are the little woman who 
wrote the book that started this great war!" Although not extremely active in campaigns for 
women's rights, she did believe women possessed such rights, writing: "If women want any rights 
they had better take them, and say nothing about it." 

Sojourner Truth (1 797?- 1 883). Truth is perhaps one of the best well known anti-slavery and 
women's rights agitators. Born into slavery, she originally spoke Dutch, not learning English until 
she was around nine years old. As a slave, she was denied access to education, never learning to 
read or write even after she became a freed Black woman. Accordingly, what survives of her 
speaking is what was transcribed by audiences. Her most famous speech, often referred to as 
'Ain't I a Woman," probably is more accurately "Aren't I a Woman," given that Truth prided her- 
self on correct English usage. The Southern black dialect was probably added by the woman 
who took notes during the speech. Regardless of dialect, that speech is one of the most 
resounding and powerful statements regarding Black women's rights and inherent human dignity 
ever written. In it, she proclaims: "Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud puddles 
or gives me any best place {and raising herself to her full height and her voice to a pitch like rolling 
thunder, she asked), and aren't I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! (And she bared her 
right arm to the shoulder, showing her tremendous muscular power)" 

Frederick Douglass (1818-1895). Most arguably the most famous African American of the 19th 
century, Douglass was a self-educated former slave. Douglass escaped from slavery and devoted 
his life to fighting for freedom and equality. He gained renown as a remarkably eloquent speaker, 
denouncing the immorality and brutality of slavery, things he had experienced first hand. In fact, 
some argue that his personal relationship with Lincoln helped convince him to make emancipa- 
tion a cause of the Civil War Even as many women's suffrage advocates would turn to ethno- 
centric and racist arguments for (white) women's voting rights, Douglass remained a committed 
proponent of equal suffrage for all. In fact, he participated in the 1848 Seneca Falls convention, 
signing the Declaration of Sentiments. The masthead for his paper once read: "Right is of no Sex - 
Truth is of no Color" 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Victoria Claflin Woodhull (1838-1927). Woodhull was one of the most radical advocates for 
women's rights during the suffrage era, and in 1 872 was the first woman to be a candidate for 
the nation's presidency. She ran for the presidency, in her own words, "chiefly for the pur- 
pose of bringing home to the mind of the community woman's right to fill any office in 
American, from the Presidency down." In the 1870s, along with her sister Tennessee, she 
published Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, which she used to promote her views on women's 
rights and other social matters, including free love, Marxism, and birth control. As time 
dragged on in the struggle for suffrage, she voiced her frustration in increasingly more radical 
comments. However, radicalism was always a part of her. As she explained in June 1872, to 
the Equal Rights party she created, and which nominated her for the presidency (with 
Frederic Douglass as her running mate): "I am not much given to the habit of conforming to 
conventionalities. In fact, if there be one thing that I hold more lightly in esteem than any 
other, it is the doing, or the refrain from doing, anything, simply because it is in accordance 
with an established custom to do so." 

Miss Tennessee "Tennie C." Claflin, (1846-1923). Born in Ohio, along with her sister 
Victoria, they were known for their beauty and wildly eccentric behavior. The Weekly which 
she published with her sister, in 1872 published the first English translation of The Communist 
Manifesto. In 1872, the paper also reported a love affair between Mrs. Elizabeth Tilton and 
the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher which sparked a national scandal. 



Victoria Woodhull protesting her inability to vote in 1872. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Rev. Henry Ward Beecher 

( 1 8 1 3- 1 887). Beecher was an 
American Congregational 
preacher, orator, and lecturer 
and was brother of Harriet 
Beecher Stowe. He was a 
leader in the antislavery 
movement, a proponent of 
woman suffrage, and an 
advocate of Darwin's theory 
of evolution. 

Admit the 23ciivcv 


THE -City €ourt op Brooklyn. 

Theodore Tilton ( 1 835- 1 907) & Elizabeth Tilton 

Theodore Tilton was a journalist and popular Lyceum speaker He 
supported various social reforms including woman's suffrage. Mrs. 
Elizabeth Tilton and her husband were parishioners of the Rev. 
Henry Ward Beecher in Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, NY. Claflin 
Weekly, Victoria Woodhull's newspaper, accused Beecher, a well 
known abolitionist and advocate for social reform and equal suf- 
frage, of having an adulterous relationship with Mrs. Tilton. 
Eventually, Tilton sued Beecher, but after a 6 month trial at which 
Mrs. Tilton stood by her husband, Beecher was acquitted, in what 
may have been the most famous scandal trial of the 1 9th century. 
Mrs. Tilton admitted to the affair two years later, but despite this, 
Beecher continued to be a popular national figure. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Mary Church Terrell was born the same year that the 
Emancipation Proclamation was signed, and she died two months 
after the Supreme Court decision, Brown v. Board of Education. In 
between, she advocated for racial and gender justice, and especial- 
ly for rights and opportunities for African American women. 
Terrell was an active member of the National American Woman 
Suffrage Association. She was particularly concerned about ensur- 
ing the organization continued to fight for black woman getting to 
vote. Activist on behalf of African Americans and women, Mary 
Church Terrell was a charter member of the National Association 
for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and helped inte- 
grate the American Association of University Women (AAUW). 


Suffragist or Suffragette 

By Denise Stanford 

According to Marcie Kligman, author of The Effect of Militancy in the British Suffragette Movement, the term suffragette 
was first used as an insult by the London Daily Mail, and was later adopted by the women involved in the movement. 
Webster defines suffrage as "a vote or political support" and "the right of voting" or "the exercise of such right." A suffragette 
is a "woman who advocates suffrage for her sex." Prior to looking up these definitions, I had not realized that the "suffra- 
gette" referred specifically to women who advocated suffrage for women, and the term "suffragist" referred to anyone who 
advocated suffrage, male or female. I had assumed that the terms were synonymous. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Mrs. Havemeyer, being welcomed by a Syracuse 
policeman on arrival of the Prison Special train. 

of N«w Jcrtc 

Passing the Liberty torch. 

Louisine Waldron Elder Havemeyer (1855-1929) was a perceptive col- 
lector of impressionist art and friend of Mary Cassatt and other well- 
known artists of the time, a feminist, and a philanthropist. She was one of 
the more prominent contributors to the suffrage movement in the United 
States. After her husband's death in 1907, Mrs. Havemeyer focused her 
attention on the suffrage movement. In 1913, she founded, with Alice Paul, 
the National Woman's Party (the organization was previously known as the 
Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage). With the financial backing of 
Mrs. Havemeyer and others like her, Ms. Paul launched an increasingly con- 
frontational series of protests that agitated for the right to vote. Louisine 
Havemeyer became a well-known suffragette. She participated in marches, 
much to the dismay of her children, down New York's famed Fifth Avenue 
and addressed a standing room only audience at Carnegie Hall upon the 
completion of a nationwide speaking tour. A famous photograph of Mrs. 
Havemeyer shows her with an electric torch, similar in design to that of 
the Statue of Liberty, among other prominent suffragettes. Her attempt to 
burn an effigy of President Wilson outside the White House in 1919 drew 
national attention. She is today best known as the founder of the Shelburne 
Museum near Burlington, Vermont. 

Laura Clay ( 1 849- 1 94 1 ). Clay was an active 
women's rights activist. Democratic Party politi- 
cian and social reformer in Kentucky and 
throughout the South. Although a staunch advo- 

cate of women's rights (as a mechanism to con- 
trol the power of a patriarchal central govern- 
ment), she opposed the 19th amendment 
lave the federal government too much power to 

because even as it granted women the vote, it also 

oversee state elections. Clay was a product of the South and her time, and so it is unsurprising that 
racism influenced many of her arguments for women's suffrage. She disagreed with many states' 

attempts to disenfranchise Black voters on the basis that such actions were not constitutional. A better solution, for her, 
was to enfranchise white women. In 1890, she explained: "What the South has a right to complain of is not that Negroes have a 
representation at the ballot box, but that they have a representation all out of proportion to the intelligence and virtue they 
bring to the support of Republican government, and the true problem set before the South is how she may restore a due 
supremacy of the more highly developed race without corrupting the ballot box, or repudiating the principles of true 
Democracy, which defends the right of every class to representation." 

Emily Howland ( 1 827 - 1 929) was a philanthropist and educator An active abolitionist, Howland 
taught at Normal School for Colored Girls in Washington D.C. from 1857 to 1859. During the Civil 
War she worked in Arlington, Virginia teaching freed slaves to read and write as well as administering 
to the sick during a smallpox outbreak. In 1882 she assumed control over the Sherwood Select 
school as owner and consulting head, a position she held up to her one hundredth year in 1 927, at 
which point it was renamed the Emily Howland high school by the New York State Board of Regents. 
She became the first female director of a national bank in the United States, at the Aurora National 
Bank in Aurora, New York in 1 890, where she served up to her death, at age 101. Howland was also 
active in women's suffrage and peace. Active in temperance, she was a member of the Woman's 
Christian Temperance Union. In 1926 she received the Litt.D. degree from the University of the State 
of New York. She was the first woman to have this honor conferred upon her from this institution. 
She was also the author of the book Historical Sketch of Friends in Cayuga County. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 



Emmeline Pankhurst 

Christabel Pankhurst 

Sylvia Pankhurst 

Under the banner of the Woman's Social and Political Union 
(WSPU), Emmeline Pankhurst ( 1 858- 1 928) and her daughters, 
Christabel ( 1 880- 1 958), Sylvia ( 1 882- 1 960) and Adela ( 1 885- 
1961) led the activist women's suffrage efforts in England. Many 
of the confrontational tactics they developed in England were 
adopted by Alice Paul and the woman suffrage movement in 
America. The Pankhursts' personal courage and influence on the 
suffrage movements in both countries cannot be overestimated. 

Cover designed by Christabel Pankhurst 

Designed by Christabel Pankhurst 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 



Mary Edwards Walker ( 1 832- 1919) In her youth, Mary became an early enthusiast for 
women's rights, and passionately espoused the issue of dress reform , whose most famous proponent 
was Amelia Bloomer . In June 1855 Mary graduated from the Syracuse Medical College at age 2! . 

When the Civil War broke out, she tried to join the Union Army. Denied a commission as a med- 
ical officer, she volunteered, serving as an acting assistant surgeon — the first female surgeon in the US 
Army. In September 1863, Walker was appointed assistant surgeon in the Army of the Cumberland. 
She wore a slightly modified male officer's uniform while in the army. She was then appointed assis- 
tant surgeon of the 52nd Ohio Infantry. During this assignment it is generally accepted that she also 
served as a spy. She was taken prisoner in 1864 by Confederate troops until she was exchanged, 
with two dozen other Union doctors, for 1 7 Confederate surgeons. 

On November I 1 , 1865, President Johnson presented Dr Mary Edwards Walker with the 
Congressional Medal of Honor for Meritorious Service, to recognize her contributions to the war 
effort without awarding her an army commission. She was the only woman ever to receive the Medal 
of Honor, her country's highest military award. 

In 1917 her Congressional Medal, along with the medals of 9 1 0 others was taken away when 
Congress revised the Medal of Honor standards to include only "actual combat with an enemy" She 
refused to give back her Medal of Honor, wearing it every day until her death in 1 9 1 9. An Army 
board reinstated Walker's medal posthumously in 1 977. After the war, Mary Edwards Walker became 
a writer and lecturer here and abroad on women's rights, dress reform, health and temperance 
Often, she donned full men's evening dress to lecture on women's rights. She was also an inventor, coming up with the 
postcard for registered mail. 

Seeking Political Memorabilia and Important 
Historical American Art and Objects 

Left: Alexander Gradner, 
Photographic Lincoln Portrait 

Left: Items from the office 
of Senator John Warner 

Right: Daniel Chester 
French Lincoln Bronze 

Political & Historical Auction 
March 21st! 

Call the Gallery for a Free Auction Evaluation or 
Send Images to: consign @potomackcompany.coni 

Abov e: George Washington 
Signed Army Discharge 


Auctions ~ Appraisals 1 

526 N. Fayette St. ~ Alexandria, VA 22314 
703-684-4550 • 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

People We Know. 

Lillian Hollister and 
Lulu Ramsey 

Anna Shaw 


Mrs. Pethick 

Relief Corps. 

Miller Smith 

People We Don't Know. 


VOTE ^/li 











Strbri<^ Souls 
Live like fir£-l 

hearled 5iin5 to sfKrx)^ 

Postcard autographed by Christabel Pankhurst. 

Door hanger 

NWSPU postcard 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Suffrage Day at the Alaska-Yukon 
Pacific Exposition 1909 

The Suffrage Day at the Exposition was planned by the exposition organizers to follow 
the national convention of the National American Woman's Suffrage Association being held 
in Seattle, Washington on I -6 July 1909. 

Those attending the festivities were greeted at the main gate with a large banner over- 
head inscribed "Woman Suffrage Day." All those who entered the Exposition grounds were 
presented with a special button and a green-ribbon badge representing the Equal Suffrage 
Association of Washington. The green was to represent Washington, the Evergreen State. 
Over the Exposition flew a very large "Votes For Women" kite. All the balloons sold at the 
Exposition that day carried the "Votes For Women" slogan. The colors were yellow, red, 
white and green but mostly green. 

Speeches were given at the grand auditorium throughout the day calling for the enfran- 
chisement of women. They stopped only long enough to have lunch and then a fine dinner 
The festivities lasted late into the night with everyone enjoying the amazing electronic lights 
of the Exposition. 

St. Louis World's Fair 1904 





July 7, '09 

iO:30 a. 

State BIdg. 
2 p. m. 


Suffrage cup from St. Louis World's Fair. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Mechanical Wheel Postcard. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The Woman's Land Army Aids Farmers 

As the war continued and fewer 
and fewer men were available to tend 
the crops, worried farmers began to 
turn to women for help. In answer, 
the Woman's Land Army was estab- 
lished in thirty states under the 
Woman's Advisory Committee, and 
within months had placed roughly 
1 5,000 women on the land for the 
critical harvest of 1918. Suffrage lead- 
ers even consulted with an overalls 
company to produce a suitable farm uniform for women. 

The mostly untrained volunteers cared for animals, 
learned to operate farm machinery, and helped bring in 
the harvest from truck farms, orchards, and home gar- 
dens. Their hard work and efficiency won the appreciation 
of both the U.S. government 
and farmers who depended 
on their wartime aid. 

fixe Ciirl on tlve Land 
Serves tlae Nation's Need 
apply Y.W.C.A, 

' ' ' Land Service Cctnmittee 

'Boys, the girls are going over the top!' 

Get behincf 

the Qirl he left bc'^md him 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


% 2S8 I 

^ 4th loan , * 

o 4322 \ 

* 4th loan ^ 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


We give 







dates for the legislature 





The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


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•.,,.„l.o,. Ivllr. ( AWMII < HA! 'MAN < Al l 

Pr^rr»i NT Tciiu-. -CAi/ii> For f.ii>Mii5i?;ioN 

In 1915, Katherine Ruschenberger commissioned a bell foundry to create a replica 
of the Liberty Bell to further the cause of the Suffrage Amendment. This bell came to 
be known as the "Woman's Liberty Bell" or the "Justice Bell." During the summer of 
1915, the replica bell was displayed in every county in Pennsylvania. Women suffra- 
gettes accompanying the bell would encourage men to vote for suffrage in the 
November election. The bell's clapper was chained so that the bell could not be rung 
and would be unchained only when women received the right to vote. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The Connecticut Suffrage 

By Frank Corbeil 

The Connecticut Woman Suffrage Association was founded in 1869 to promote the cause of 
woman's suffrage in the state. Throughout its history, the Association sought, through every means 
possible, enactment of state and federal legislation granting women the right to vote. From its 
founding until 1906, the Association was led by Hartford's Isabella Beecher Hooker, who favored a 
state-by-state approach to enfranchisement. In 1910, a younger generation, led by Katherine 
Houghton Hepburn, assumed control of the Association and began urging federal legislation as the 
best method to achieve enfranchisement. Hepburn and other members of the Association's leader- 
ship inaugurated a more active approach to achieving enfranchisement, holding rallies, parades and 
meetings with state and federal legislators to pursue their goals. 

In May 1914, the first state-wide suffrage parade was held in Hartford. Specially-designed ban- 
ners and pennants, created by Greenwich's Grace Gallatin Seton, were carried in this parade, which 
stretched for nearly a mile through the streets of Hartford. Numerous banners, highlighting- differ- 
ent occupations, were produced and carried in this and subsequent parades. Each city and town 
which sent a delegation to these parades had its own banner, emblazoned with the town's name, 
the state seal, "CWSA" and "VOTES FOR WOMEN," 

Finally, in 1 920, with passage of the 1 9th Amendment, women's right to vote was secured. The 
Connecticut Women Suffrage Association was dissolved and the Connecticut League of Women 
Voters organized in its place. With the demise of the suffrage association, its records and artifacts 
were transferred to the Connecticut State Library. Housed in the State Archives and the Museum 

of Connecticut History are the documents, photo- 
graphs, scrap books, banners and pennants which doc- 
ument the Association's history, 

Katherine Houghton Hepburn (1 878-195 1) In 
1910 a group of young, middle-class women led by 
Katherine Houghton Hepburn, took control of the 
CWSA. Mrs. Hepburn was President of the CWSA 
for 10 years (1910-1920). Working closely with the 
Connecticut National Woman's Party, organized in 
1916 by Alice Paul and other militants, they con- 
centrated on a new strategy of building support for 
the Federal Amendment. Katherine frequently involved her children in 
suffrage parades and activities, encouraging her children, including future 
actress Katherine Hepburn (on right), to give out balloons marked "Votes 
for Women." This photo is of Mrs. Hepburn with her children at a CWSA 
event. "The story of the women in my family is truly the story of the 
women's rights movement," said Katharine Houghton, Katherine 
Hepburn's niece and Houghton Hepburn's granddaughter. 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 




"Mother" Eliza Daniel, 
who started the Ohio 
Woman Suffrage 







toil mini 1 



The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Wmter 2008 


WWSA: Wisconsin Woman 
Suffrage Association 


Milwaukee County 
League of Women Voters 

Rev. Otympia 
Brown. First presi- 
dent of the WWSA, 
vice president of 
the NWSA. 


Portrait of Theodora Youmans (Mrs. Henry), 
President of the Wisconsin Woman Suffrage 
Association, 1913-1920. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Rose O'Neill and the Suffragette 

In 1909, illustrator and artist Rose O'Neill had 
a dream about plump little creatures she called 
Kewpies®, short for Cupid. "Cupid gets you into 

trouble and the 
Kewpies get you 
out," explained 
O'Neill. The purpose 
of these creatures is 
to perform good 
deeds in a funny way. 

They were often seen battling injustice or promoting women's suffrage, and they always 
made the reader laugh. 

Kewpie comics appeared in newspapers during those years, and O'Neill became one of the 
first female cartoonists in America. Ignoring publicized criticism of her association with the 
women's movement, O'Neill utilized the immense popularity of the Kewpie character to endorse 
and garner attention to her favorite political causes which included woman suffrage. The National 
Woman Suffrage Association distributed postcards and posters that utilized her Kewpie and artis- 
tic illustrations. A Los Angeles Tribune article reported, "The most celebrated of America's black- 
and-white artists, Rose O'Neill, creator of 'The Kewpies,' is an ardent suffragist and an active 
member of the Press and Publicity Council of New York City." 

" 3 

a 7-1 r, M 






Isn't ii A funny thing 
Ihiit father cannot see 
Why M(ilher ouphi lo have a vote 
On hovs' these things should be? 






The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Abolitionist Women and the 
Suffrage Movement 

I Sell the Shadow to Support the Substance. 

Of all the just causes of the 19th Century that women felt bound to enter, 
the abolition of slavery was among the highest. These same women would also 
lead the fight for woman's equality. Their first leader was Lucretia Mott, I 793- 
1880. A Quaker, her small size and gentle nature were contrasted with her 
dynamic energy and purpose in pursuing justice for all. She became a recognized 
minister in 1821 . In 1825 she turned her efforts towards the abolition of slavery, 
declining thereafter to use products such as cotton, and going as far as to con- 
vince her husband, a cotton-dealer, to change his merchandise to wool. 

In 1833, when William Garrison formed the American Anti-Slavery League, 
Lucretia Mott's efforts to join were denied because all women were excluded. 
She then simply formed her own Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society. She 
became its chief spokesperson and in so doing brought down the wrath of the 
pro-slavery opposition. 

Meeting halls were burned; the Notts were mobbed and stoned. Some 
male supporters were tarred and feath- 
ered. She even criticized one crowd 
that refused to tar and feather her sim- 
ply because she was a woman. 

In 1836, Ms. Mott was joined by 
two other female Abolitionists, Sarah 
and Angelina Grimke. They moved to 

New York and extolled the need to abolish slavery wherever possible. They 
addressed large mixed audiences pleading for the cause. They were responsible for 
linking women's rights with anti-slavery. Yet their influence waned after 1840 
except for their writings for the movement. 

In 1840, on a visit to London to attend the World Anti-Slavery Convention Ms. 
Mott was refused admittance as a delegate. Refusing to go quietly, she held news 
conferences and public meetings and became known as the "Lioness of the 

Upon her return to the US she carried the fight for justice to Pennsylvania's 
legislative bodies and to the President. She was willing to break any law she 
thought unjust, including offering refuge in her house to escaping slaves. 

The success of the Abolitionist movement was left to others like Harriet 
Beecher Stowe, whose Uncle Tom's Cabin, published in 1852, was made into a 
play that showed a vast public the inhuman treatment of the slaves. The book was 
translated into 23 languages. Stowe then published A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin. 
which collected documentation justifying the accuracy of the original. With the suc- 
cessful abolition of slavery, Stowe then turned her efforts to the equality of 
women, working for its success until her death in 1896. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Obverse Badge 

Reverse Badge 



. R. JtROMt JtHREV- 

Frm L«ft to Blfffal : Carrie Oupaua Catt : TIm R«v. Aiua Howwd Sbaw; Mr*. R. Jerone Jeffcry. 
Nccro maun of Bodiartcr, N. Y. OfUn "Gosl in Antbonr Hone" with Mn. Show and Mrs. Carrie Chap- 
Baa Catt. PrtaUenl of Nalioaal Wonaa SafTraee AModaUoai. to which all Sootheni Suffraffettea bdons. 

"Suffrage Democracy Knows no Bias of Race, Color, Creed or 
Sex." Carrie Chapman Catt. 

"Look not to Greece or Rome for heroes, 
nor to Jerusalem or Mecca for saints, but for 
all the higher virtues of heroism, let us WOR- 
SHIP the black man at our feet." Susan B. 
Anthony's Official History of Suffrage. 

Any discussion of women and the Abolition movement 
must include the efforts of Harriet Tubman and Sojourner 
Truth. Tubman's efforts with escaped slaves are legendary. She 
continued to risk her own life to help escaped slaves to free- 
dom in the north. Truth, who won her freedom in 1827, 
fought a successful court battle to recover her child, who had 
been illegally sold as a slave. She used her tall physical stature 
as a beacon of strength, lecturing and braving mobs that 
threatened her wherever she went to lecture during the 1 840s 
and 1850s. After the Civil War she also turned her attention to 
the plight of women. She was an articulate speaker who con- 
tinued to speak out for the cause of women. 

All of these women, and thousands more who risked all 
for the abolition of slavery, saw the natural progression to the 
cause of all women. They utilized their skills honed through 
the earlier movement to push for the emancipation of women 
and the right to vote. None of these pioneers lived to exercise 
the right to vote. 

However, without their efforts to bring the issue to the pub- 
lic's attention utilizing organizational methods gained from the 
anti-slavery effort to organize women across the country, the 
women's movement might have been deferred for decades. 

Anti-suffrage statuette depicting a negative image of 
Votes for Women advocates. The image is referred to 
wrongly in the hobby as Sojourner Truth. It also appears 
with "Votes For V^omen" wording. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The Actresses Franchise League 

The Actresses Franchise League was formed in 1908 when Gertrude Elliot and four hundred 
friends met in the Criterion Restaurant at Piccadilly Circus, London England. The League was open 
to anyone involved in the theatrical profession. It was founded to work to enfranchise all women 
of England. It set out to do so through educational meetings, holding propaganda meetings, selling 
suffrage literature, and staging plays. They supported all of the suffrage societies. 

As members of the League toured England, they would make themselves available to help 
local suffrage chapters. They charged them a small amount for their performances, either as 
singers or reciters. Lillie Langtry was one of their most famous members. They provided full slates 
of performers at the large fund raising exhibitions. 

They decorated their offices and stages 
with the AFL colors - pink and green. In 1912 
they affiliated with the Federated Council of 
Suffrage Societies. By 1913, men could join a 
"Men's Group." By 1914 the League's mem- 
bership numbered 900. 

With the beginning of World War I, the 
League formed the "Women's Theatre Camps 
Entertainments." This troupe traveled to mili- 
tary camps and hospitals boosting the moral 
of the soldiers. In 1915, the League also 
organized the "British Woman's Hospital." 

Following the war and the victory of 
woman suffrage, the League lasted until 1 934. 
The banner pictured here now resides in the 
Museum of London. 

The League produced this badge in 1 908. 
It has a green background with a five-sided 
shield with straight edges in the middle, out- 
lined with a thin blade and green stripe. The 
shield is divided diagonally from top left to 
bottom right. The upper half is colored eau- 

NOTE: Eau de nil: From the French eau, 
water, and Nil, the Nile. The color is pale yel- 
lowish green. 

The Keynoter • Summer/FdII/Winter 2008 


Sarah's Suffrage Victory 



By Sarah Baldwin 

I "Sarah's Suffrage Victory" celebrates Sarah G. Bagley, founder of the 
Lowell, Massachusetts Female Labor Reform Movement. Born in 1806 in 
Candia, New Hampshire, Sarah received a common school education. In 
1837 she went to work as a weaver at the Hamilton Manufacturing 
Company in Lowell. She already may have worked as a weaver for she 
displayed sufficient skill to warrant the top rates paid to weavers. 

Attracted by the Lowell Offering, a periodical edited and written by fellow mill girls, she contributed a piece called "Pleasures of 
Factory Work" to the December 1840 issue. The article was compatible with the views of editor Harriet Farley who consid- 
ered it not fitting for female employees to question the policies of the Christian gentlemen who owned the mills. 

Within a few months, however, Sarah Bagley decided she had to stand up and publicly oppose that view. Declining wages, 
deteriorating working conditions, and the speedup of machine operations made mill work increasingly oppressive and danger- 
ous. Bagley insisted the workers needed to organize and protest. In December 1 844, she founded and became the first presi- 
dent of the Lowell Female Labor Reform Association (FLRA). 

The Association quickly attracted several hundred members, and, under Bagley's leadership, initiated a petition drive call- 
ing for a law limiting the working day to ten hours. The campaign became known as the "Ten Hour Movement." 

When presented with over 2,000 signatures, the Massachusetts legislature found itself forced to address the issue of con- 
ditions in the textile mills. It appointed a special committee which, for the first time in the United States, conducted public 
hearings on industrial working conditions. 

Sarah Bagley with Eliza R. Hemmingway and three other women testified to the long hours and miserable working condi- 
tions. Though the legislature eventually buried the issue, mill owners no longer could pose as kindly, paternalistic guardians 
who put the best interest of their young women employees first. 

Plunging full time into labor activity, Sarah Bagley organized branches of her Female Labor Reform Association (FLRA) 
throughout Massachusetts and New Hampshire. She also worked with the New England Workingmen's Association (NEWA) 
as a member of the nominating committee at its May 1845 convention in Boston and served as the corresponding secretary. 
On July 4th, 1845 the NEWA and the FLRA hosted a picnic in Wobum, Massachusetts. Some 2,000 attended and heard Bagley 
denounce the Lowe// Offering as "controlled by the manufacturing interest to give a gloss to their inhumanity." 

Harriet Farley and Sarah Bagley exchanged heated letters through the columns of local newspapers with Bagley finally 
declaring the editor was "a mouthpiece to the corporations." The popularity of the Lowell Offering plummeted and the journal 
ceased publication later that year When The Voice of the Industry, a Workingmen's Association periodical, moved to Lowell in 
October 1845, Miss Bagley served on the publication committee and for a period was Chief Editor 

The next year Sarah Bagley became the nation's first woman telegraph operator when she accepted a job as superintend- 
ent of the newly-opened Lowell telegraph office. As a woman doing a 'man's job', she found herself the target of newspaper 
humor The Boston Journal, for instance, recorded one skeptic as observing: "The long mooted question 'Can a woman keep a 

C secret?' will now become more interesting than ever" She continued working as an operator for two 
years, but in 1848 returned to the mills and worked as a weaver for five months. When her 

father fell ill with typhus, she left Lowell to never return. 

She then slips from public record and public view. Benita Eisler writes that the disap- 
pearance of her name from the masthead and boards of all Bagley's organizations and 
the total silence surrounding "the end of this extraordinary woman is all the more 
bizarre given the propensity of labor to eulogize its leaders." If the later life of this feisty 
woman remains eerily obscure, she continued to be honored for her work on behalf of 
working women— as the threadholder bears witness. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

A few examples of suffrage postcards from England. Collectors believe there are over 4500 pro and anti English and 
American postcards depicting the people, events and issues in the struggle for a yeoman's right to vote. 

Images from a recent Heritage Galleries auction. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


.„v«».N VOTFS tOM WOMr.N. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


The Power of Postcards 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

So You Think You Know Button 

Harvey Goldberg 

V.4. Ir, N. J.. 

J.lf II. 
kaii l«. It* 

■* BADGES ^ 


WUuk«4 * BMf C«., 
h,wuk, N. J., f.g.A. 

JLfit ■«. IM 

Almost every collector believes they know the history of the items they collect, especially campaign button collectors. But 
do you really know the complete history? Ask a political collector about this, and the first words they respond with are 
"Whitehead and Hoag." Just a moment, my friend. You need to check your facts with more accuracy. 

Yes, most of the turn-of-the-last-century pins and buttons manufac- 
tured by Whitehead & Hoag Company of Newark, New Jersey have back 
papers in them announcing the patent date of their celluloid buttons, just 
like the ones pictured here. 

But you need to go back a little further - about two years, to July I 7, 
1894, to be exact. If you notice, the patent dates on one of these backpa- 
pers has three dates, including July 17, 1894. The backpaper on the 
extreme right has only two dates, excluding July 17, 1894. Why? 

You will not see the earlier date on W&H items produced after 1895, because the 1894 date is not one of the Whitehead & 
Hoag patent dates. That belongs to the original designer of the covered button, which was granted to one Amanda Malvena 
Lougee of Boston, Massachusetts. 

Miss Lougee was an enigma for her time. Born in 1842, in Walmouth, Mass, she became the 
head of a large rubber gossamer manufacturing plant at Hyde Park, Mass. For years she was 
a 'silent partner' with her brother, but took over on his death in 1 879. She developed tech- 
niques for double texture clothing, electrical tape, electrical conduits, and many other things 
in addition to the U.S. patent #523, 149 for "a covered button" in 1894. 
According to a Boston manufacturing 
handbook of the day, describing The 
Clinton Manufacturing Company 
(Rubber Mfrs.), of 65 Brookside Avenue, 
Boston, stated that "She employs two 
hundred and seventy-five men and 
women, and occupies besides a factory 
at Clarendon Hills, three floors of a large 
block in Boston, with offices in New 
York and Chicago. Probably most men 
who deal with A. M. Lougee, Secretary' do so in utter ignorance that they 
are dealing with a quiet little elderly woman." 

Shortly after she had patented the covered button. Whitehead & Hoag 
purchased Amanda's patent, developing and patenting their own product, 
the modern campaign button, in 1896. 

In her spare time Amanda Lougee dabbled in woman suffrage issues. 
She was an auditor for the Massachusetts Women Suffrage Association, 
treasurer for the Association for the Advancement of Women and the 

National Council of Women. She also submitted a recipe for the Woman Suffrage Cookbook for "Fruit cake" in 1886. 

No 523,149 



Patented Jaly 17, 1894. 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Book Review 

Winning tlie Vote: The Triumph of the 
American Woman Suffrage Movement 

Reviewed By Michael Kelly 

Winning the Vote: The Triumph of the Annerican Woman Suffrage Movement by Robert R J. Cooney, Jr. 
479p. maps, photos, reprods. bibliog. index. American Graphic. 2005. ISBN 0-9770095-0-5. LC 2005904560. 

For many years items from the battle to gain votes for women were neglected by collectors. Like many cause items, 
they were overlooked by collectors more interested in the presidential candidates. Those days are over 

In the last decade women's suffrage items have become one of the most keenly sought specialties in the field. 
Collectors have a rich array of material to pursue; fabrics, china, 3D items, ribbons, posters, postcards, cartoons, badges 
and, of course, buttons are to be found both supporting and opposing the idea that women should be allowed to cast a 

Published in time to mark the 85th anniversary of the ratification of the 1 9th Amendment, Robert R J. Cooney, Jr. has 
produced a magnificent piece of work in Winning the Vote: 
The Triumph of the American Woman Suffrage Movement. 
Reminiscent of Stephan Lorant's wonderful Glorious Burden, 
which focused on presidential campaigns, Cooney's lavishly 
illustrated volume focuses on the drive for women's suffrage 
from 1848 to 1920. This massive and handsomely designed 
book presents the movement chronologically, with emphasis 
on the personalities and political campaigns of the era. The 
illustrations are rich and inclusive with nearly a thousand 
photographs, posters, buttons and paper items including por- 
traits of movement leaders (including white and black 
women and even men). 

Cooney captures the color and excitement of a growing 
movement that began in ridicule and abuse but reached its 
culmination in triumph. Moving in chronological order, the 
early chapters cover decades but, as the pace of political 
activity increases, later chapter cover single years. 

The readable text eschews massive passages in favor of 
short segments that highlight specific aspects of the cam- 
paign, making the 479 pages fly by. Every page carries hand- 
some illustrations, including a rich selection of buttons, 
badges and other material from the suffrage campaign. 

Even collectors who don't specialize in the women's suf- 
frage movement will find Winning the Vote a welcome addi- 
tion to their library. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


Alva Belmont (I8S3-I933) Suffragist 
reformer, philanthropist 

"I have been crying in the wilderness for wealthy women to give up their leisure and do 
something to justify their existence—in vain. No reforms appeal to women who have everything," 
bemoaned Alva Belmont, who, unlike the rich she criticized, was a major benefactor of the 
women's suffrage movement. Belmont, a divorcee, then widow, of two affluent men, gave of her- 
self as well as her fortune. She was a founder of the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage 
and its successor, the National Women's Party. 

In 1912 she led a suffrage march in New York City, and five years later, she gave her 
Washington, DC, house to the NWP as its headquarters, serving as the organization's president 

from 1921 until her death. Belmont campaigned for decent working conditions and fair wages for laboring women, supporting 
the 1 909- 1910 New York shirtwaist makers' strike. She not only raised funds for the cause, but personally went to court to bail 
out strikers. The owner of several lavish homes, the untiring Belmont also pursued an interest in design, becoming one of the 
first female members of the American Institute of Architects. 

Mrs. Belmont designed and purchased from England, the white dinnerware with the cursive "Votes for Women" in blue, 
which is highly sought by suffrage collectors today. These pieces were used at dinner parties in the Belmont home in Newport, 
Rhode Island, and guests were permitted to take some of the pieces home with them when they departed. (See page 99 for 
place setting.) 

Her funeral at Saint Thomas Episcopal Church in New York City featured all female pallbearers and a large contingent of 

Winning the Vote: 

The Triumph of the American 
Women Suffrage Movement by 
Robert P.J. Cooney. Jr. 

Discover the full story of how 
women won the vote from 1 948 
through the 19th century to early 
20th century and beyond. 

This beautifully printed collec- 
tion includes over 960 photographs 
and color illustrations, plus features 
100 pin-back buttons, vintage cam- 
paign posters and ephemera never 
reproduced before. 

Clothbound, 496 pages, 9x12 
$85 plus shipping. 

Vote for 


Nov 2.^^^ 

Km/ 4jA at to walk wit/i you. 
Oance with you. marry you. 
Why doatyou asA us lo wfr tntbyou ? 

Poster by 
Ethel McClellan Plummer 

Special Collectors Edition (limited to 100) 

Expanded, hand bound in slipcase, 
signed and numbered. $250 plus shipping. 

Order from American Graphic Press, P.O. Box 8403, 

Santa Cruz. CA 95061 
(831 ) 423-8436 • 

Women Who Dare"^ 

A Scries from the Library of Congress 


• 64 pages, 5% X 6 y2 in. 

• More than 40 images 

• Bibliography included 

• Hardcover 

• Each book $12.95 US 

Women of the Suffrage Movement 

chronicles the liislory of the struggle lo 
bring about a constitutional amendment 
granting women suffrage, with all its 
political challenges and dramatic 
tensions, through engaging prose and 
dozens of historical photographs. Ihe 
movement is further brought to life with 
five special profiles highlighting family 
I ies arid friendships among suffragists. 

Other titles in this scries include: 

Eleanor Roosevelt 

Helen Keller 

Amelia Earhart 

Women of the Civil War 

Women of the Civil Rights Movement 

Margaret Mead 

Marian Anderson 

Women Explorers 

Women for Change 

To Order: 
1 800 227 1428 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Hikers Not Pikers 

The Pilgrim Hikers first appeared on December 16, 1912, when Rosalie Jones led 
a determined group of women from New York City to Albany to present a petition 
to the Governor, seeking quick passage of a suffrage amendment. Although more than 
100 women started in NYC, only 5 of the original group braved inclement weather to 
reach Albany on December 28. The hike received such wide-spread publicity for the 
cause across the state that Jones planned a second trip, hiking from NYC to 
Washington, D.C., to generate national publicity for the movement. The hikers met at 
the Hudson Terminal in the city, boated across the Hudson, and started walking from 
Newark, NJ on a cold Lincoln's birthday, February 12, 1913 

The Pilgrim Hikers objective was to march to Washington, D.C. and join the 
National Suffrage Parade, scheduled for March 3, the day before Woodrow Wilson's 
inauguration. Called "The Army of the Hudson" by its leader, "General" Rosalie Jones 
(and later renamed "The Army of the Potomac"), Assisted by "Colonel" Ida Craft, 


General Jones Not Alarmed by a 
Report That a Colored Wo- 
men's Club Will Fall in Line. 

Suffragists Reach Laurel, Md., After 
Uneventful March of Twenty, 
two Miles from Baltimore. 

Sfirmnl to The Ncio Yorlc Timet. ■ 

I-AUREL. Md., Feb. 2(1.— Gen. Rosalie i 
Jones, In command of the Army ol the 
Hudson maxchinB on Washlncton in the 
interest of the suffrasrist cause, may have 
to take a definite stand on the color 
question before the hike is over. It Is 
reported that the ncero women of a small 
hamlet not far from here are to organize 
a Colored Women's Suftrase Club and In- 
tend to march with the hikers Into Wash- 
ington. Gen. Jones did not seem to take 
the report seriously. Her o.nly remark 
•was, ■• Yes they wlU." with the accent 
upon the first and last words. In an un- 
obtrusive way four or five colored women 
with a fair Imitation of a suffrage flae 
trailed alone behind the hikers for a few 
hundred yards as they passed through one 
hamlet to-day. making It seem likely that 
the color question would have to be an- 
swered shortly. 

Gen. Jones is considering another prob- 
lem. She received word to-day from the 
Committee of Arransements that men 
would not be permitted to march with 
the Arms; of the Hudson In the suffrage 
liarade In Washington. The hikers' es- 
L-ort of men. Including war correspond- 
ents. Is as large as the women's orsantsa- 
Uon. Gen. Jones sent word to Washing- 
ton to-night that she wanted the men to 

The advance to-day was over a good 
road, twenty-two miles, from Baltimore 
to I^aurel. 

Gen. Jones to-day sent from Army 
Headquarters here by parcel post to Pres- 
ident-elect AV'llson a yellow •• votes lor 
women " flag and this letter: 

Sufrntpe Headquarters, 

Ijiurrl, Md., Feb. ac, 1913. 
PTMlilMlt-cWt Woodrow IVilaon: 

We »end and beg of you to «cccpt ibis votes 
for womon flflK a£ a momento of our«pli- 
RTtmaEe throueh New York and New Jersey, 
Delaware and Man-land. Yours very truly, 

I Farmers and their wives came to the 
I oadxide to-day to graze at the brown- 

I garbed pilgrims as they hiked along. Cries 
of " Votes for women " or " On to Wash- 
ington ■■ ■•ere answered by " Howdy," the 

i awkward llfti.-ig of a cap. or a bit of rus- 

I tic humor. When the pilgrims approached 
the hamlet called Hall, Col. Craft -was in 
the lead. As she came in sight some chll 

I dren pave an old-time " rebel yell." One 
bov threw a stone ai the Colonel s teet. 
Another Btone came and then a volley. 
None struck the hikers. It was the evi- 
dent Intention of the children to frighten 
rather than harm the hikers. It was neai - 
Iv dusk when the suffragists reached 
llaurel. A committee of women wearing 
Vi-llow streamers welcomed them. After 
dinner there wa-s a suffragist meeting. 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Buttons are I- 1/4' 

Banner reads "Votes for Women Pilgrimage from New York 
City to Washington DC 1913" 

Jones and the small band of determined suffragists faced a 290 mile journey, enduring 
snow covered ground, ice and mud— and that was just on the first day's trek to 
Metuchen, NJ! Jones exhorted the hikers to go farther each day and often they covered 
distances that many observers thought impossible. 

Along the way, local pro-suffrage women and men joined the hikers for part of 
each day's journey. Over 50 people joined the group between Newark and Elizabeth, 
and by the time the pilgrims reached Metuchen, banners from the Newark Equal 
Suffrage League, the Essex County Suffrage Society and the Orange Political Study Club 
were displayed. This pattern of local groups' involvement as the hikers went by, with 
their banners and signs of support, continued thoughout the trip, and received wide- 
spread publicity both in the local communities and in the national press along the way. 
In Philadelphia, a large crowd welcomed the hikers, and in Wilmington, the mayor 
declared a half-day holiday to celebrate their arrival. The "Army of the Potomac" 
arrived in Washington on February 27th to deliver their message to the incoming 
President, and participate in the parade. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 



0 0 

Relief Corps 



The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

British Banners 



p ■ 1 



^r\t\sh banners from the 
Women's Library, London 
Metropolitan University, 
London, England. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 








-k ^ ^ if 

Famous American 
suffrage leaders 
were featured on 
British banners. 

London suffrage parade showing Lucy Stone banner. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The Art of Enamel Badges 

Enamel pins combined the message formate of the button or badge with 
the attractiveness of jewelry. Because such pieces were expensive to produce, 
they were probably sold to women who could afford them as opposed to 
being mass giveaways. 


Celluloid Button 
Shown Reduced 

The "Vrouwen 
Kiesrecht" badge, 
modeled after an 
American design, was 
manufactured in the 
Netherlands and 
the phrase means 
"Women's Rights." 

The Scottish University Women's Suffrage 
Union was founded in Edinburgh in 1 909, to 

seek the extension of the parliamentary 
franchise to women. It was open to men and 
women who held a degree from any university 
in the UK or abroad, and also to women who 
were on the medical registry. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Wmter 2008 





: PARTY 1 





The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


Flask in the image of Emmeline Pankhurst. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


Emblem designed by Christabel Pankhurst 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

I [ap]iei[Bifdrc>fgigisit!iii5ii5ii5ii5i»ata 


PriCM qwOt«d for c«al n«w »ra n«t only low«r than 
th«y will b« later, but there kra Urge dlff«r«ne«a In 
Quality and service. Our prt««8 thia month are low 
and our quality and aervka — as uaual — the b*et. 

L. H. BuEHM Sc Son 

= COAL= 



JULY. 191S 



3 4 s e 7 



ID 11 12 13 14 



17 IS 19 ao 21 



Ml 2S 36 27 28 


r • 

The Suffrage Garden 

o» TCU.OW nx>wfji< 

» « 

The Suffrage Garden 

The Satfrage Garda 

tt» tlli'jw flftWIA^ 



\o. 5 


' firm »n«T«*M rv — . • 

r- . 

**" ! 

! M 5 » 

Suffrage Garden flower seed packages and mailing envelope. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 



The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Christmas ribbon 
Swat the fly, give women the vote and be happy 



Ffy swatters 

Letter opener 

Remember to roto on OOTOBEH » 





IN 1915 

Coin purse 

Umbrella shown 


r FOR V , 

^ WOMEN f 

Match safe 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Cecelia Harris: An Inspiration 

Cecelia Harris, known to APIC members simply as "Ceil," was a 
pioneer in the preservation of Women's Suffrage memorabilia. Some 
of the items seen in this issue are from her collection. In I960 Ceil, 
with her husband U.I. "Chick" Harris, led a dwindling number of 
determined APIC members to breathe new life into our organization 
that was founded in 1945. This opened communication and access to 
specialist collectors who shared Cell's interest in Womens Rights and 
the history of the suffrage movement. One of those collectors was 
Agnes Gay of East Rochester, New York, a suffragette who provided 
Ceil with much of her own collection. Gay (APIC #7) was the first 
woman selected for the American Political Items Collectors Hall of 
Fame. Only two other women have been honored with the Hall of 
Fame Award since then: Kennedy specialist Bonnie Gardner (APIC 
#2466) and Cecelia Harris (APIC #3 I 39) 

It is impossible to calculate how many collectors and preservers 
of women's suffrage items have been directly influenced by Ceil 
Harris since 1 960. However, it is obvious that she was a guiding light 
for other dedicated collectors interested in women's rights move- 
ments, from suffrage to ERA to the most recent legislation guaran- 
teeing women equal pay with men for the same work. She and 

"Chick" founded the APIC 



RE-TPON/IBIl .'T V or 


Harris Fellowship 

Endowment to further interest in APIC and promote it through institutions, 
organizations, and special projects. 

Ceil passed away last May in Highland, Illinois, the community to which she 
and "Chick" moved more than ten years ago. She is an irreplaceable loss not only 
to her family and loved ones, but to all of us who took inspiration from her dedi- 
cation to a cause that was such an important part of her life. 

The Keynoter gratefully thanks "Chick" Harris and the U. I. 
"Chick" and Cecelia Harris Fellowship Endowment for 
partially underwriting this issue. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Ribbons & Badges 


O^ober 13 



Coffin Mott 

Elizabeth Cady Stanton 


BATON ROUGE— FEB. 22-23-24 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 






mm ^ 


KflV ' ■»» 




^^^^^ V3f,i. 




NOV, 19-24. 1914 


NOV, 16-17 

^ PE«!lil. wMf? 






The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 




The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 






r I— 





The Keynoter • Summer/FallA/Vinter 2008 



Frances Willard 



Susan B. Anthony 






HI 1901. 




The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

'jU!. 17-IS, IBM 

Anna Howard Shaw 



M.Y W.S.A. 


OUT. 29.30.31 

" Perfect 
Equality of Rights 
for Women" 

Susan B, Aiilhony 

Reverse I 

Reverse 2 

N. Y. W. S. A. 




OCT. 20-23. 

Carrie Chapman Catt 


Susan 6. Anthony 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


j eaual 

I Jlssociation 

Port RttTOtt 

OctoMr 31 to novtH^cr 2 , 










Lillian Hollister 

League of 






The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

. Y. W. S. A.^ 

26tl7 annual 



soavENm OP the 
600,000 PETITION. 





Susan B. Anthony 

^ xtr n k ! 





—®— ji 



Oct. 16 to Ifli 

qe: N e: V A 

1 0O6 H 

oox. iei--iB 
1 90T 


N. y.w.s. fl. 



(Lus rtus 
Oct. 29-Hov. I 



The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 




No. 7 1 0, 





Oct. la 1^1 


Annual Convention 

'■I TMJ. 




Oct. 10, 1911 


|| Utansas. 

' "When Free<iom's banner is un^ 
' furled* 

t No star among its folds of blue 
Shloes forth to oations far and 

With luster brighter, with beaois 
J more truei 

I Though oft mid clouds 'tis hidf 
\ den quite, 

I It rises ever for the right" 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 











The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

^ ^ -J^ 

Suffrage Toys 

Politics and political causes are usually considered very serious business. However, politics also leads to lampooning by 
the opposition and in a few cases politicians poking fun at themselves. The Suffrage movement was no different. This article 
will look at both sides. 

The most common toys are card and board games. Others include Jack-in-the-boxes, Roly-Poly's, mechanical toys 
such as one of Sojourner Truth, and an illustrated children's book. These are just a few of the children's items issued to laud 
or ridicule the movement. Like the china for the movement, many of the toys were produced in Germany for export. Many 
others were produced locally, either in England or the United States. 

According to Elizabeth Crawford's excellent reference The Women's Suffrage Movement, the British movement 
embraced the idea and strove to benefit both in support and monetary gain from such things. The design was to introduce 
the cause into all domestic circles where other types of propaganda might not be welcomed. Several toy companies also 
recognized the commercial appeal of the movement and produced many items poking fun at the Suffragettes - especially in 
a comic mode. However, these companies did not contribute any profits from the sale of the toys to the movement. 

The Jack-in-the-boxes were used to "scare" people, 
as the characters that popped out of the boxes were 
not designed to show the Suffragists in an attractive 

Several card games, such as "SUFFRAGETTE", 
"RUSHING THE HOUSE," and "PANKO" all showed 
personalities involved on both sides of the issue From 
Winston Churchill to Mrs. Pankhurst, these cards were 
advertised to "produce intense excitement without the 
slightest taint of bitterness." The movement on both 
sides of the Atlantic issued several different decks of 
playing cards with the Votes for Women logo in the 
movement's colors. 

On the positive side, the Suffrage Bazaars, organized 
to raise funds for the movement, 
solicited toys such as dolls in full 
Suffragette regalia, from its sup- 
porters for sale to the general pub- 
lic. As the movement became more 
radical, dolls were even sold wear- 
ing prison uniforms. 

Most of these items appeared 
around Christmas and proponents 
and opponents of the movement 
gave them as gifts. Nonetheless, 
these items remain scarce. As a 
side note, Sylvia Pankhurst set up a 
toy factory and babies nursery in 
East London 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


Bird in cage spins as it 
goes down spiral rod. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


Dear Winston" Doll 

Winston S. Churchill served in HM Government as Home 
Secretary in 1910-11. When he took the post, he made as one of his 
main programs reforms in the prison system, for which he held 
responsibility. The changes he sought had to do with lessening the 
prison population, ending debtors prison sentences and unequal sen- 
tencing, but not specifically in the treatment of suffragettes. This 
attractive, well dressed doll is asking, in the form of a letter to Dear 
Winston, for equal treatment for the suffrage prisoners, primarily in 
Holloway Prison. 

Jack (Jill?) in the box. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


Votes t rW'omcn 

rht ( L'.inl Ciamc 
Siit?r.n.'i">i"' f. Anil SurtVaitists 

l'kiurc> by I-.. I Rl I .I), 

..I '•• r«... h 



> — 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Paper doll sheet. 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Women's Baseball & Suffrage, I9IS 

Courtesy NJ Historical Society 

t IVIoorrfield Collection 

Athletics for girls and women became com 
monplace by the late 19th century. Between 
1 890 and 1 920, a small women's league, 
the Bloomer League, played baseball 
in various parts of the United 
States. Named for Amelia 
Bloomer, a 19th century advo- 
cate of healthier dress fashions 
for women, the league provided 
an opportunity for some 
women to play professional 
ball. Women's baseball was still 
enough of a novelty and crowd 
pleaser in 1915 that New Jersey 
suffragists used baseball games, 
such as the one pictured at left, 
to attract attention to the up- 
coming state referendum on 
woman suffrage. 

Suffragettes at play. 

<->Y9U>0 kJLDiAS' »ASa B/UJi C^CB *<fO. t --^ 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Bits and Pieces 

In 1914, Miss, Caroline Ruutz-Rees of Connecticut, the principal of a flourishing girls 
school in Greenwich, and a third Vice President of the American Woman Suffrage 
Association, believed that the future and success of the woman's movement lay in the 
conversion and enlistment of young people into the cause. To meet this objective she 
started the National Junior Suffrage Corps, whose motto was "YOUTH TODAY, 

The 3 Seats For Women buttons are thought to refer to the policy of "Women and children first," called 
for by ocean liners in the off-loading of passengers into life boats in event of a catastrophic event. With the 
sinking of the Titanic in 1912, groups against votes for women cited this societally accepted preference 
towards women in moments of danger as an example of how men stood ready to protect the weaker sex, as 
they did by taking on the onerous obligations of government. Suffragists argued that the women had not 
asked for this policy, and they should have been allowed to deal with the situation on an equal basis with the 
male passengers. 



j FOR 


The Men's League for Women's Suffrage 
was a society formed in 1 907 by the left-wing 
writers Henry Brailsford, Max Eastman, 
Laurence Housman, Henry Nevinson and 
others to pursue women's suffrage. 

Mens Leape 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 




• 908 ^ 

Brodicia Brooch - first 
Suffragette awards given by 
Emmeline Pankhurst for those 
arrested during suffrage 

Metal token 


Insignia of the 
Women Suffrage 
Alliance, adopted 
in Denmark 1906 

Medal given to NAWSA delegates, 1920, 
Shown reduced 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

St. Louis, MO. Ballot box for women's votes, used 
when women could only vote for local offices. 


=F O R= 






Can Vote for the next 



At your Town or City Hall 


The c;ierk there will i;i\e you ihe needeJ information 
as to details 

Then AsK for the Ratification 
of the Suffrage Amendment 

Khfxje Mjnd hqual Suftracc AsMiovIioil 
J.ti Butler hxchjnuc 


English clock 

^ f 

Paper pennant ~ 

The Keynoter • Summor/Fall/Wmter 2008 

The WCTU White Ribbon 

One of the most recognized symbols of any women's organization is the white ribbon 
of the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WTCU). Its leader and ardent suffragist, 
Francis Willard, adopted the white ribbon in 1877, because it stood for universal purity and 
patriotism as white was included in all flags at that time. The color also stood for universal 
prohibition, philanthropy and universal peace. 


Soap Bars 

In 1 9 1 5 in an effort to clean up 
the situation, the Women's Political Union 
of New York issued small cakes of white 
soap bearing in purple and green letters 
the message: 
Votes for Women! 

Equal Suffrage Means Clean Politics; Use 
this soap and do justice to women 

Americanization School: 

On February 5,1917, Carrie Chapman Catt, President of the American Woman Suffrage 
Association, issued a call to all women to support the war effort. To this end, the association 
organized Americanization Schools in every precinct across America to teach the masses (an 
estimated 8 million aliens lived in the US at this time), national allegiance, emphasizing toler- 
ance, to the end that the Stars and Stripes shall wave over a loyal and undivided people. 



Pennants shown reduced. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

voTE FOR Votes for 


NOV. 2 SB 

' VOTES mm 


Pennants shown reduced except as noted. 


If they want to vote in the 
coming Election on Nov. 5 
Your country needs your 
vote to help win the War 

Re<5istration Day 

In cities and villadet of over 5,000 

Oct. II, 12. 18, 19 From 7.A.MtDl030PH 

In villages of less than 5.000 
Oct.. lltK U Froln7^M.tD lO'SOPM 

for further information, app^ txaJtmjKA 
N.y. State woman Sumafle Party or 
Headquartery 503 Fifth hwt-.Newlbrkaty. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Wmter 2008 

Vott ftr tbt 
Safirigi AiMnfirrM 
Mfvembfr 2, 19IE 


Glass slides 

\ - 




WtfTwi Saiuv Kytaw. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Back Papers 

Most button manufacturers pre- 1 920 placed a 
company identification paper in the back of each button 
at the factory. Buttons were their own best advertise- 
ments, so it was important to tell people from whom 
they could order more or different buttons. They also 
established early copyrights for companies like 
Whitehead and Hoag. But it wasn't long before com- 
mercial users and political parties figured out that they 
could also use the back papers to promote their own 
ends, as seen in these American and English examples. 


DECEMBER 14-19. 1.015 

NOV. 2^51315 

t tiVAl 1 1 Y I.S 

nil SA( RruiAW 




VOTED 1776-1807 


VOTE for tht won AW SUFFRAGE 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 



A few examples 

I'm a suffrajelTe and i 
donT care, (aiHo knows if 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Test your knowledge! 

Over 200 multiple 
choice questions & 
answers about the his- 
tory of American pres- 
idential elections. The 
Electoral College, the 
candidates, the cam- 
paigns and the issues. 

Read the question, 
turn the page for the 
answer. Written by 
Marilyn Zupnik,APIC 



To order, send a check for $14.95 - postage paid - 
payable to "DLM Books" - P.O. Box 72, Excelsior, 
MN 55331 (MN residents please add .84 tax) 
Or visit: 


Presidential Campaign Items 
Bought & Sold 

/ Collect Early Ballots & Electoral Tickets. 
Let me know what you have to sell. 

Charles McSorley, BOX 2 1 Closter. NJ 07624 
(201) 768-2064 




APIC Member #14131 

L e g a c y A 

The Ail-American Locals Auction 

Featuring State Political Items In Color 

With No Buyer's Fees 

Contact me at or at: 

Pat Lenington 
822 Jona Kay Terrace 
Norman, Oklahoma 73069 
Phone: 405-329-8885 

Each auction can be viewed at 


present the 



Back issues from 1973-2004 For Sale 

Over 100 issues available! 

Special: ^2.50 per issue! 

^ ic i( ^ 

Buy & Sell 


Civil War 



Peggy A. Dillard 

RO. Box 2304 • Macon, GA 3 1 203 

Theodore Roosevelt 

Tom Peeling 

P.O. Box 6661 
West Palm Beach, Fla. 33405-0661 
(561) 585-1351 
Best prices paid for items I need for my collection. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 




These very thin paper napkins were commonly used to celebrate 
events both royal and political in Britain. 

Examples of suffrage 
sheet music 



Prank LBRi6T0\V 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Fans: For and Against 

As with other items, fans were utilitarian and could publicly promote Votes for Women simply by being used. 

W hy Wc 

Wwrt to Vote 


Am4 WwH «» 4» Tlwfa CHk IMy 


Urt mt iW* ImmAm 

MUM W»» 

lawlrr •InHiiMrtMI- 

|H« MM !• 




I indi )rse the declara- 
tion in the platform in 
;avf.r<.f woman suf- 
iratfc. If womtrnareti) 
fa-ive the vote, as I be- 
li -w t uey ari", it seems 
V •-•iitirelv clt-ar 
'.]-.:;: -.1! The intt-rt-st of 
- tii'Iic life ! this 

r \v. imcii." 
Charles Evans Hnghes 


★ * 

'The Suffrage plenk 
received my entire 
apjirasfcal before its 
p. loj'tTO and I shall 
support its principle 
v. itli sincere pleasure. 
I wish to j;nn with 
niv fellow Democrats 
ill recommending to 
the several States 
that they extend the 
suiirag'e to women 
uj-M .11 the same terms 

as to men. 

Woodrow Wilson 
* * 



The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

To New York Voters 


Vote for Woman I Suffrage Nov. 6! 

tr M p.. 




A Breeze for Suffrage! 

Vote for 

Vote for 



Suffrage , 


Nov. 6th 

Nov. 6th 

_ 1 



Keep Cool! 

There will be nothing to 
worry about after we get 

Votes for Wonieu 

Election Day 

November 2 


U the m<n i.t tlir\\ r-«t 
«rii\l ilicif Hiinicfi viitli j 
the h.i!I..t \V„y ^ tn't j 
ill- vminrn of Nt.i^tj- 
vfiuxtl> he (ru«lnl r 

SiiHr.«ge «|irr.i.U Imni 
St.itr li> nci;:hSiif St.ilc. 

I hl»llf<Hf\ It .1 Vliic^t. 


Novefnbcr 2 


11^ 1 1 . • ,. M ! Illll IIU'll 


icnccd fen ii) nil' 

voir NO 11. woM vvi si i I w\r;r 

I 1. 

The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

^^Spooning'' for Women's Equality 


The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Casting the First Vote 

The 19th 



The Straight 

Lancaster, Pa. 






dCKET, NOVEMBER 8th, 1921 ^ 

COX co;< 




The I 9th 








m\mv COUNTY 



The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Miriam A. Ferguson: First Elected 
Woman Governor 

By David Quintin 




Miriam A. Ferguson won the November 1 924 
gubernatorial general election to become the first 
woman governor of Texas. Prior to this, she served 
as First Lady of Texas from 1 9 1 5- 1 9 1 7 during her 
husband's term as governor Jim Ferguson was 
impeached in 1917 during his second term in office. 
In 1 924 when he failed to get his name on the ballot 
for governor, Miriam entered the race for the Texas 

The couple became known as "Ma" and "Pa" 
during the 1924 campaign. She had devoted her 
focus to her family up to this point and her support- 
ers latched onto her first and middle initials and 
began campaigning using "Ma" Ferguson. It was only 
a matter of time before Jim Ferguson became "Pa". 

Her first administration was marred by allegations of corruption through the overabundance of pardons and paroles granted 
and the letting of state highway contracts. "Ma" pardoned an average of 100 convicts a month and she and "Pa" were accused of 
accepting bribes of land and cash. This led to threats of impeachment which were never brought against her She failed to win the 
1926 Democratic primary for reelection and did not seek office in 1928. 

Jim Ferguson again tried to run for governor in 1 930, but the Supreme Court rejected his petition to have his name placed on 
the ballot. "Ma" entered the race but was defeated in the Democratic primary runoff by Ross Sterling. Sterling went on to win the 
1 930 governorship only to encounter a bitter electorate in his reelection campaign in 1 932 due to the impact of the great depres- 
sion. This proved to be advantageous to "Ma" who again declared for the office and won by defeating Orville Bullington, a 
Republican, in the November general election. 

Campaign items for "Ma" are quite scarce with only one known picture button and one ribbon produced. In addition, there is 
one anti-Ferguson lithograph button, "Roosevelt-Garner-Bullington", which is attrib- 
uted to the 1932 race. In this campaign Bullington, a Republican, supported by anti- 
Miriam Ferguson Democrats ran on the coattails of Roosevelt and Garner in this gov- 
ernor's race. It is one of the few split ticket buttons produced during this era in 
American politics. Also, a straight Democratic ticket button for "Roosevelt-Garner- 
Ferguson" was produced. 

"Ma" did not seek reelection in 1 934 but did declare for governor in 1 940 at the 
age of sixty-five only to be defeated in the Democratic primary by the popular 
incumbent, W. Lee O'Daniel. 

The Keynoter • Sumnner/FdII/Winter 2008 

Ruth Hanna McCormick of Illinois 

Ruth Hanna McCormick was a suffragist and advocate for the rights of women and 
children. She actively campaigned for the vote for women from 1913 until the amend- 
ment was ratifed by the states in 1 920. In 1913, Illinois women won the right to vote in 
municipal elections and for presidential electors and on bond issues. But oddly enough 
they did not win the right to vote for Congress, Governor, other statewide offices, or 
members of the General Assembly, until the 1 9th Amendment was ratified by three- 
quarters of the states in 1 920. Illinois was one of the first three states to ratify the 
national vote for women amendment on June 10, 1919, and tied with the legislatures of 
Michigan and Wisconsin on that day. 

Ruth was not the the first woman to serve in Congress from Illinois. Winifred 
Mason-Huck was elected in a special 1923 election to succeed her father Rep. William 
Mason but Winifred only served a few months and did not win renomination in 1 924. 
Ruth not only served a full term in the House but she was also the first woman of either 
party to win a statewide election in Illinois when she became an at-large Member of 
Congress as a Republican in 1928. She campaigned in 99 of the 102 Illinois counties. 
There have been women representatives in Congress from Illinois in every decade since 
the 1920s. 

The women pioneers from Illinois in the legislature included Lottie Holman O'Neill 
of Downers Grove who was first elected to the House in 1922. Florence Fifer Bohrer 
of Bloomington was the daughter of Gov. Joe Fifer and was the first woman elected to 
the state senate in 1 924. But Lottie served longer than any other woman in a state legis- 
lature, 1 923 to 1 95 1 in the House with two years off and 1 95 1 to 1 963 in the Senate 
for a total of 38 years in legislative service. Lottie, Florence, Winifred, and Ruth were all 

Ruth Hanna McCormick came from two politically-powerful families and was owner 
and publisher of the Rockford Register-Republic and the Rockford Morning Star starting 
in 1930 during a time when she lived in Byron, Illinois in Ogle County. 

Ruth Hanna was born on March 27, 1880 in Cleveland, Ohio. She was the daughter 
of the national Republican power broker Sen. Mark Hanna. In 1903, she married Medill 
McCormick, a grandson of Joseph Medill. Medill McCormick, like his grandfather, was 
editor and publisher of the Chicago Daily Tribune from about 1900 to 1908. Her hus- 
band was elected to the Illinois General Assembly in 1 9 1 2 as a Bull Moose (Progressive) 
and he was a friend of Teddy Roosevelt and a national Vice President of the Progressive 
Party from 1 9 1 2 to 1914. After just one term in the U.S. House from 1 9 1 7 to 1 9 1 9, he 
ran as the Republican candidate for US Senator and defeated Sen. James Hamilton Lewis 
in 1918. 

In 1924, U.S. Sen. Medill McCormick was defeated in the Republican primary elec- 
tion by former Gov. Charles Deneen who was an ally of Chicago Mayor Big Bill 
Thompson. In February 1925, Ruth's husband Medill was only 48 years old in the final 
week of his Senate term. Medill was depressed over leaving the Senate and he took his 
own life in a Washington hotel as the session of the Senate was in its final days. 

"I am going^s 
to ask 
Molher and Father 
to vote for | 


aci<«<:HTY * CO. 





The Keynoter • Summer/Fall/Winter 2008 

Mrs. Smith Runs for President 

By Jo Freeman 

On January 27, 1964 the Republican 
Senator from Maine stood before a luncheon of 
the Women's National Press Club held at the 
Mayflower Hotel and announced that she was 
running for President. At this moment Margaret 
Chase Smith became the first woman to 
become a candidate for a major party nomina- 
tion for the nation's highest office. 

Smith was used to breaking traditions and 
making precedents. While she had been elected to the House in 1 940 to fill the 
seat vacated by the death of her husband Clyde, she had been elected to the Senate on 
her own in 1 948, and re-elected in 1 954 and 1 960. In 1 964 she was serving on three important 
Senate Committees: Appropriations, Armed Services, and Aeronautical and Space Sciences. 

As a minority of one (and for six years two) in the most exclusive club in the world, she was 
always in the public eye. But never so much as on June 1 , 1950, when she stood before the Senate 
and accused the Senator from Wisconsin, Joseph R. McCarthy, of turning her beloved chamber 
into a "forum for hate." Her Declaration of Conscience, signed by six other Senators, was the first 
Republican opposition to McCarthy's reign of terror through random accusations of Communist 

Smith also spoke up for women. While serving in the House Naval Affairs Committee during 
World War II she supported women working in war industries, the Equal Rights Amendment, and 
women in the military. She took these concerns with her to the Senate. 

Smith's announcement of her candidacy was not spontaneous. For over a year she had 
received a steady flow of mail urging her to run. While flattered, she did not begin to take the pos- 
sibility seriously until her mail escalated after an AP story late in 1 963 that she might run. It wasn't 
party leaders or women's groups that convinced her to do so; the former were flustered at the 
thought and the latter were silent. It was ordinary people. 

Sen. Smith listed four arguments these people gave as to why she should 
run (and six why she should not run). She had more experience than any of 
the other candidates. The voters wanted a wider choice than they offered. 
Lacking money, machine or party backing, she was independent of others' 

But just as important to Smith was the fact "that through me for the 
first time the women of the United States had an opportunity to break 
the barrier against women being seriously considered for the presidency | 
of the United States — to destroy any political bigotry against women on 
this score just as the late John F. Kennedy had broken the political barrier 
on religion and destroyed once and for all such political bigotry." 





I buy entire collections or single items, especially graphic, displayable pieces. Contact 
me if you have something wonderful to sell, or to see my current inventory. 


PHONE: 702-610-3539 or 702-656-0664 • FAX: 702-362-5397 • WEB: 

APIC #2687 - Member Since 1972 

When Ted Hake began Hake's Americana & Collectibles in 1967, his primary focus was political ^ki^si 
collectibles, and they made up a large portion of Hake's early mail-order offerings. Now 41 years later, 
political buttons still nave a strong presence in any Hake's auction. In those 41 years, Tecl has authored 
many books on collectibles, with his Political Button books and the Revised Prices booklet of 2004 
remaining the primary source of information among political collectors and dealers. 


Encyclooedia of Political Buttons 

K 2 1920-1976 BOOK 3 1789-1916 


Encyclopedia of Political Buttons 

BOOK 1 1896-1972 BOOK 2 1920-1976 



United Siotes 1896-1972 


•vAnJng rMMd pncM Kv SoOk I 1806-1872 



BOOK III 1709-1916 

Hard and softc 
2004 Revised Prices 

^^HH^I^H How can you get your own copy of these helpful and informative guides? 

They are offered through Hake's and can be obtaine 

• Call toll-free 866-404-9800, extension 1635 

• Email to place orders 

• Fill out and send the attached order form to 
Hake's Americana & Collectibles 
P.O. Box 12001 
York, PA 1 7402 

Signed copies available upon request 
6% Sales Tax will be added to Maryla 

lowmg ways 





IHIIcal Buttons Books 1, II and III Hardbound Set[ 

$1 00.00 1 

cal Buttons Books 1, II and III Softbound Set ^ 


$75.00 1 

^cyclopedic of Political Buttons 1896-1972 (HAR 

$40.00 1 

^iticol Buttons Book II 1920-1976 (HARDCOVER 

1 1 

$40.00 1 

llPcai Buttons Book III 1789-1916 (HARDCOVEIi 

$40.00 1 

lllldopedia of Political Buttons 1896-1972 (Sa| 


$30.00 1 

^tical Buttons Book II 1920-1976 (SOFTCOVEI^ 

$30.00 1 

Political Buttons Book III 17891 91 6 (SOFTCOVER 


$30.00 1 


* 2004 Revised Prices 


$24.00 1 


Plus the cost of shipping and handling ■ $8.00 fon 

one book, 






* 2004 Revised Prices comes along free with any order 
of the political books - or it can be ordered on Its own.